全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1850篇 |
免费 | 73篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 107篇 |
工人农民 | 42篇 |
世界政治 | 95篇 |
外交国际关系 | 491篇 |
法律 | 278篇 |
中国共产党 | 47篇 |
中国政治 | 320篇 |
政治理论 | 226篇 |
综合类 | 317篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 16篇 |
2022年 | 17篇 |
2021年 | 27篇 |
2020年 | 62篇 |
2019年 | 50篇 |
2018年 | 69篇 |
2017年 | 58篇 |
2016年 | 59篇 |
2015年 | 37篇 |
2014年 | 212篇 |
2013年 | 168篇 |
2012年 | 139篇 |
2011年 | 121篇 |
2010年 | 112篇 |
2009年 | 87篇 |
2008年 | 96篇 |
2007年 | 99篇 |
2006年 | 98篇 |
2005年 | 107篇 |
2004年 | 99篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 48篇 |
2001年 | 43篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1923条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
791.
黑龙江省与俄远东地区林业合作的原则、领域与方式 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中俄林业合作应从中俄两国的共同利益出发,坚持互利互惠原则,以国内外市场为导向,依托林业资源开发和技术合作,实现生产要素的跨国优化组合,使黑龙江省与俄罗斯邻近地区的林业优势产业和特色经济得以迅速形成和发展,通过投资、技术、劳务和贸易的多边、多层次合作,提高黑龙江省与俄罗斯邻近地区的林业合作水平。 相似文献
792.
Six studies examined why and when respect vs. disrespect influences people’s emotions, self-worth, and behavior. Following relational models of justice, we argued that people use groups to derive information about the social self and as such value respect information because it indicates (a) whether or not they are accepted, and (b) how their status within the group is evaluated. These two identity concerns were operationalized by means of reinforcing people’s desire to belong (i.e., the identity concern of acceptance) and concern for reputation (i.e., the identity concern of one’s status evaluation). In line with predictions, the first three studies demonstrated that respect matters only among those whose concerns to belong are made salient. Studies 4–6 further showed that respect only influenced reactions among those who have strong concerns for reputation. It is concluded that respect communicates information relevant to people’s identity concerns—i.e., inclusion and reputation. 相似文献
793.
Miranda?A.?SchreursEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(3):349-376
The EU, Japan, and the US now share many environmental norms, laws, and institutions and cooperate on international environmental
matters through numerous bilateral and multilateral channels. They disagree, however, on how to deal with some of the most
serious issues facing the global environment and the quality of human life including wide-scale biodiversity loss, climate
change, the use of genetically modified (GM) organisms; the trans-boundary movement of hazardous wastes, and chemical safety.
As these are all issues that require the involvement of developing countries if global environmental protection efforts are
to be effective, the discord that exists among the Northern states is of tremendous significance. The US has pulled out of
the Kyoto Protocol arguing that the treaty is poorly designed and would be detrimental to the US economy. Japan and the EU
have had to try to find a way to bring the treaty into force without the participation of the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse
gases and to convince participating countries to meet their targets even though this may put them at a competitive disadvantage.
In the case of biodiversity loss, although the US initiated international negotiations on biodiversity preservation, it has
refused to join the EU and Japan in ratifying the Convention on Biological Diversity. There are also differences between the
US, on the one side, and Japan and the EU on the other, regarding the use of GM organisms. This article analyses the reasons
for the differences that have emerged among northern states in their international environmental policy positions and what
the implications of this northern policy divide are for the effectiveness and legitimacy of international environmental protection
efforts. 相似文献
794.
Axel?MichaelowaEmail author Kristian?Tangen Henrik?Hasselknippe 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(1):5-24
This article provides a background for the Developing post-2012 scenarios project, an international study which looks at a range of scenarios that countries may wish to consider for a post-2012 framework to tackle climate change. The purpose of the article is threefold. Firstly, it provides a review of the literature for the future climate regime. Secondly, it provides a set of criteria that are used in order to evaluate whether the scenarios provided in the other articles in this Special Edition are likely to be effective. Thirdly, the article spells out some of the more general policy implications rising from these scenarios. 相似文献
795.
世贸组织框架下闽台农业资源整合与优化配置 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
用经济学划分四大资源要素的方法,分析闽台农业资源要素禀赋与配置效率优势的差异性,以及闽台农业的依存性与互补性;论述了加强闽台农业资源整合与优化配置以提高闽台农业竞争力,是在当今世界经济全球化与区域经济一体化两趋势同时增强大背景中,闽台农业发展的一项双赢选择;揭示了农业资源要素流动与整合是闽台农业合作模式的核心。 相似文献
796.
Caroline Compton 《亚洲研究》2018,50(1):136-154
Recovery plans were developed for both the Philippines and Tacloban City in particular. They framed Haiyan as a climate change emergency, and sought to respond to future risks to the city and country. This focus on future recovery came at the expense of attention to the transitional needs of those worst affected by the Typhoon. International humanitarian organizations were co-opted into the government’s refusal of transitional assistance to Tacloban City shoreline residents. This was because they construed their mandate of apolitical assistance in a particular way. An alternative framing of emergency deployed by a local organization produced a very different result. In order to respond to the range of temporal needs in post-disaster situations, humanitarian actors need to be cognizant of the range of epistemic frameworks available to them. 相似文献
797.
目前,国际碳交易机制网络群体呈现复杂化态势,碳交易机制复合体、碳交易机制集群与碳交易机制联结相互渗透,同时其内部也进行着良性协同、建设性合作与功能性竞争的有序互动。在无政府状态、利益认知差异以及全球气候治理体系转型等普遍性因素影响下,国际碳交易机制复杂化的成因有着自身的特殊性,是其发展进程中的必然产物。另外,国际碳交易机制间的互动具有双重效应,其协同合作将会带来经济发展与气候保护的双赢结果,而如果互相掣肘则会增加碳交易成本甚至造成负减排。因此,中国在复杂化的国际碳交易机制中推进新型碳外交并实现碳中和目标,既需要充分发挥自身团结国际力量的优势以及国内和国际双循环新发展格局的核心作用,促进碳交易机制间的协同与衔接,又要积极践行《巴黎协定》关于碳交易机制整合的倡议,与各国及相关国际组织共同将碳交易机制整合的规范推广到整个国际社会以及其他议题的全球治理之中。 相似文献
798.
作为新地区主义的一种实践形式,上海合作组织成立后不断发展。上海合作组织坚持以“不干涉内政”原则为核心的主权规范,遵循“国家主义”发展路径。扩员之前,在应对安集延事件、吉尔吉斯斯坦政局动荡等地区安全与政治挑战的过程中,上海合作组织确立了以中亚为地缘安全中心的地区定位。在开展各领域合作的进程中,上海合作组织秉持协商一致的原则,其内部形成了“大国引领、中小国家平等参与”的合作格局。扩员之后,上海合作组织继续遵循“国家主义”发展路径,但其地区定位与内部合作格局出现了新变化。印度和巴基斯坦的加入,使中亚的地缘安全中心地位相对下降,以中亚为重心、南亚为重要延伸成为上海合作组织新的地区定位。印度和巴基斯坦两国的加入,还增加了上海合作组织内部合作格局的复杂性,使“大国引领”的合作格局面临深刻转型,“中小国家平等参与”的合作格局也在发生演变。目前,上海合作组织处于发展转型的十字路口,其发展面临的不确定性需要给予更多关注。 相似文献
799.
中国的对外援助事业随国际、国内形势而变化。近年来官方对国际发展合作的重视不仅促成中国对外援助指导思想的转变,也为对外援助向国际发展合作转型奠定了理念基础。中国为发展合作提供全球公共产品的实践不断丰富:一是基于本国成功经验而开展的减贫国际合作成为重要公共产品,二是通过创新农业技术合作方式为解决全球粮食安全问题提供更多公共产品,三是借助三方合作更好地创新公共产品供给模式,四是持续加强全球卫生公共产品供给。中国对外援助在取得积极成效的同时,也面临经济、技术实力有限、援助项目可持续性不足、受援国国家治理与互不干涉内政之间协调困难、国际发展合作的话语权有待提升等挑战。未来,中国应注重从制度建设、资金筹集、可持续性提升、受援国能动性发挥、国际话语权提升等方面做更充分准备。 相似文献
800.
Maria Mut Bosque 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(3):409-435
This paper proposes a new approach to understanding the relations between the European Union (EU) and the Commonwealth. There has been a long-standing lack of mutual insight between the Commonwealth and the EU, chiefly due to a general lack of knowledge of the modern-day Commonwealth and its role on the international stage. The relations between both organisations are currently limited, despite the fact that there are areas of common interest, where cooperation would not only be feasible, but also beneficial. An agreement, such as that proposed in this paper could contribute significantly in the fight to eradicate poverty and uphold human rights. 相似文献