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881.
Abstract

Since the end of the Cold War, the international arena has witnessed two concurrent worldwide trends. One is the gradual prevalence of universalism under the banner of human civilization; the other is the gradual revival of nationalism globally under exactly the same heading. Both trends are evident in China, a country which in the twenty-first century is perceived universally as a rising nation. However, does Chinese nationalism necessarily pose a threat to the world? By examining two debates on the Chinese intellectual response towards Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations in the early twenty-first century, this paper investigates the status of Chinese nationalism. It questions whether it is a fixed set of ideas embraced by a solid entity, or whether it possesses multiple layers with dual elements contributing to both security and insecurity internationally. The paper argues that three separate nationalist processes are occurring concurrently but independently of each other: the construction of civic nationalist values; the development of an international relations strategy assigning responsible power to China; and the detection of alleged anti-Chinese conspiracies. The effect of the first two would be to encourage regional peace, and they could offset fervent nationalist expression. A somewhat counter-intuitive result of Chinese nationalism might be that it also becomes a stabilizing force within and outside China's borders.  相似文献   
882.
Indonesia has been a key player in various initiatives to promote both economic and security cooperation in the Asia‐Pacific region in recent years. This essay explores the role of policy experts in facilitating these moves. The central argument is that in both policy spheres it is indeed possible to identify networks of policy experts who have been directly and indirectly associated with efforts to strengthen regional cooperation. Although the dearth of primary research into policy‐making processes in Indonesia makes it difficult to weigh the inputs of experts against other likely causal factors, there are reasonable grounds for believing that their contribution has been an important one.  相似文献   
883.
The 2008 financial crisis has had an important, but neglected, impact on carbon market governance in the United States. It acted as a catalyst for the emergence of a domestic coalition that drew upon the crisis experience to demand stronger regulation over carbon markets. The influence of this coalition was seen first in the changing content of draft climate change bills between 2008 and 2010. But the coalition's more lasting legacy was its role in shaping the content of, and supporting, the passage of the Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (the Dodd–Frank bill) in July 2010. Although that bill was aimed primarily at bolstering financial stability, its derivatives provisions strengthened carbon market regulation in significant ways. This policy episode demonstrates new patterns of coalition building in carbon market politics as well as the growing links between climate governance and financial regulatory politics. At the same time, the significance of these developments should not be overstated because of various limitations in the content and implementation of the Dodd–Frank bill, as well as the waning support for carbon markets more generally within the US since the bill's passage.  相似文献   
884.
国际侦查合作是基于诉讼进程的角度将国际刑事司法合作进行纵向划分所形成的理论范畴,对于其基本原则的研究是建构该理论体系的基础和前提.作为各国参与国际侦查合作的前提条件之一,特定犯罪不合作原则具有重要的基础性意义.在对相关的国际公约、双边条约或协定以及国内法进行比较考察的基础上,运用刑事诉讼法学以及刑法学的基本原理,论证和阐释了特定犯罪不合作原则的由来、特定犯罪范围的确定及其价值功能,并且结合司法实践归纳出特定犯罪不合作原则的发展方向.  相似文献   
885.
Abstract

Why are some students not willing to tell adults about a possibly violent situation in their school? In this study, 1,100 students in the Mid-South were surveyed on their knowledge of, and willingness to tell about, a possibly violent situation, their involvement in behaviors that are related to school violence, and their school's climate. About 1/3 of students knew of a potentially violent situation, and about 3/4 were willing to tell an adult. However, students who were involved in antecedents to violence and/or who had an unfavorable view of their school were much less likely to tell an adult about such situations. Efforts to prevent school violence should be designed with these factors in mind.  相似文献   
886.
刘娜 《桂海论丛》2013,29(5):25-29
加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,对于提高党建科学化水平,构建社会主义和谐党际关系,推进政治民主化进程具有重要意义。当前,我国政党制度伦理建设存在着制度伦理法制化不强、平等协商理性相对缺乏、参政党职能效果发挥较弱、政党民主监督体系不完善以及制度伦理理论支撑的相对滞后等问题。加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,必须加快政党制度伦理法制化建设、推进地方政治协商制度化、提高参政党职能地位、健全政党民主监督体系以及完善制度伦理学科建设。  相似文献   
887.
限于刑事法律和犯罪人的客观状况,刑事被害人的一系列权利尚不能够得到完全地保障和实现。陷入困境的刑事被害人往往易成为信访人,其信访的对象则是作出最终司法判决的人民法院。在信访的被害人已经不信任法院的情况下,仅通过法院并不能够解决被害人的信访问题。由此需要创新工作机制,联动司法。通过联动司法加强对刑事被害方的救助,加强对犯罪分子所判刑罚的说理,与检察机关一道解除被害方的疑惑,并适时引入第三方,对法院的审理程序进行调查,以尽可能地解决刑事被害人方的涉诉信访。  相似文献   
888.
《Journal of school violence》2013,12(2-3):149-171
SUMMARY

The failure to consider factors that make a key contribution to violence and its prevention may create serious problems of construct validity for school violence surveys. Further, few studies have assessed the relative importance of variables contributing to perceptions of safety by examining correlations between survey items and overall feelings of school safety. This study describes the development of a self-report survey, the Safe and Responsive Schools Safe School Survey, explicitly designed to assess perceptions regarding criminal violation and serious violence as well as day-to-day disruption and climate issues. Principal components analysis identified four factors involving student connectedness, incivility, feelings of personal safety, and delinquency/major safety. Further multivariate analysis suggests that, in at least some cases, feelings about connectedness and climate may be more critical than serious violence in shaping student perceptions of school safety.  相似文献   
889.
现行行政运行体制中存在的行政决策、执行、监督职能不分,进而导致组织结构和行政权力分化不足,这与大部制改革要求存在较大差距。要建立决策、执行、监督既相互协调又适度分离的行政运行机制,必须建立纵向上的行政权力运行衔接与互动机制,在横向上建立行政权力适度分离机制、协调机制和信息沟通平台,才能保障行政运行顺畅,实现决策科学、执行有力、监督有效。  相似文献   
890.
Sino-US relations are one of the most important bilateral relations in the world. The sound and steady development of the relations not only conforms to the fundamental interests of both countries and peoples, but also contributes to the future world security order. However, US policies towards China have been undergoing significant changes since President Trump assumed power, leading to intensifying strategic competition between the two countries and making the bilateral relationship more complex, uncertain and uncontrollable. In the face of enormous difficulties, more efforts should be made to stabilize and further develop Sino-US relations now standing at a juncture. This has sparked a wave of discussion and debate among scholars both at home and abroad. How to view Sino-US relations in a comprehensive, objective, rational and pragmatic manner has become a major subject worth further exploration and clarification. Against this backdrop, on September 19, 2020, the Editorial Department of Journal of International Security Studies of UIR and the PLA Information Engineering University (Luoyang Campus) successfully co-hosted the 13th “Expert Forum” on the subject of “Assessing Sino-US relations” in Luoyang, Henan Province. Under the framework of “future development of Sino-US relations and the world security order”, distinguished scholars and researchers from all around China discussed such major issues as difficulties and development trends of Sino-US relations, US domestic political landscape and its policies towards China, as well as the construction of the future world security order and China’s strategic responses. Some of the viewpoints of the scholars and researchers are now offered to our readers.  相似文献   
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