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271.
刘庭华 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2012,5(3):29-35
苏区精神是指以中央革命根据地为主的整个苏区军民所具有的意识、思维和心理状态,以及在苏区创建过程中所表现出来的模范行动和精神面貌,它是中国共产党人革命精神的重要组成部分。"苏区精神"的本质特征是:"求真务实、勤政为民、廉洁奉公",它突出表现为:1."没有调查,没有发言权"——求真务实的思想路线;2."真心实意为群众谋利益"——勤政为民的优良作风;3."自带干粮去办公"——廉洁奉公的高尚品格。弘扬苏区精神对加强新时期党的建设具有重大历史启示意义。 相似文献
272.
学习是一个持续的过程,要使学习能够深入持久地坚持下去,就需要用制度和机制来约束和督促,充分发挥制度和机制的保障作用。因此,不断探索学习型党组织建设的方法和途径,健全学习型党组织的制度,是推进学习型党组织建设的重要保障。 相似文献
273.
《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(43)
正The Red Wall Garden Hotel’s Courtyard Bistro held a launch party in Beijing on September 4.More than 50 media outlets,including well-known magazines and famous social media platforms,as well as celebrities all dressed up in the cream of contemporary Chinese fashion were present at this fabulous party. 相似文献
274.
党的宗旨是全心全意为人民服务。做好民族地区群众工作是践行党的宗旨的需要,是维护国家边疆稳定的需要,是促进民族地区科学发展,维护各族人民利益的需要。本文在分析民族地区群众工作面临新挑战的基础上。提出了做好民族地区群众工作的对策。 相似文献
275.
276.
采用仲裁模式处理矛盾突出又没有太多经济效益的医患纠纷初期,必须要有当地政府的参与并在财力上对仲裁机构予以支持,但长久如此既不利于仲裁模式处理医患纠纷的推广,也不利于仲裁的公正性及仲裁员回避制度的有效落实。如何不依靠政府的财政支持,通过裁决纠纷本身获得合理的报酬维持运行是亟待破解的难题。从制度设计层面看,医患纠纷仲裁模式若能与正在推行的医疗损害责任保险制度进行有效的整合,可能是解决仲裁长期运转费用的一个重要途径。但这种审理与理赔模式的整合,实际上涉及到医患纠纷仲裁是否存在第三人、承保方能否成为仲裁第三人的问题。本文以深圳市医患纠纷仲裁为切入点,对上述问题进行探讨。 相似文献
277.
AbstractThe analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018. 相似文献
278.
Campaigning in an unprecedented election: issue competition in the French 2017 presidential election
AbstractThe 2017 French presidential elections featured an eventful campaign, produced astonishing results, and presented important signs of party system change. This paper analyses the main lines of divide of the demand and the supply side of electoral competition. It analyses the structure of citizens’ preferences, as well as the candidates’ strategic issue opportunities, relying on issue yield theory. To that end, it combines data from an original individual-level survey with information about the candidates’ Twitter messages. It is found that the traditional model of two-dimensional political space, characterised by an economic (left–right) and socio-cultural (integration–demarcation) dimension is largely challenged. On the supply-side, the analysis offers additional evidence for the central role played by the integration–demarcation divide, while showing that the traditional left–right conflict has not fully disappeared. 相似文献
279.
Yves Surel 《West European politics》2019,42(6):1230-1257
AbstractThe main aim of this contribution is to assess the relevance of the notion of ‘exclusionary populism’ for the characterisation of the Front National (FN) in France. Since its emergence in the 1970s, several categories or notions have been applied to this political party. Once considered as the resurgence of a traditional extreme right, it has since been classified as a case of a new European right-wing extremism, or as one of the neo-populist parties that obtained electoral successes in the 1990s. The recent evolution of the party has also been described as a sort of ‘normalisation’. Is therefore ‘exclusionary populism’ still a category that can grasp the evolution of the party, as well as its present position in the French party system? To answer this question, this article examines political discourses and various electoral platforms of the Front National to gather some empirical evidence. The argument is twofold: The Front National, despite its ‘dédiabolisation’ strategy, is still a classic populist party characterised by exclusionary populism and a sort of ‘catch-all populism’; its evolution is, however, dependent on the recent evolution of the French party system. 相似文献
280.
Ian Down 《West European politics》2020,43(7):1388-1414
AbstractDoes mainstream party positioning contribute to marginalising or legitimising niche party positions? This article argues that voter perceptions of the legitimacy and credibility of niche party positions play a role in individuals’ propensity to vote for niche parties. It finds that the adoption of more restrictive immigration positions by mainstream parties increases the likelihood that those people who do not recognise the issue competence of radical right parties on immigration will vote radical right. However, for individuals who already perceive the radical right to be competent on immigration, mainstream party adoption of more restrictive immigration positions has no effect on propensity to vote radical right. In addition, the increase in the propensity of individuals to vote radical right is predominantly a function of mainstream left parties adopting more restrictive immigration positions. These results imply that mainstream parties risk fuelling radical right party support by adopting more restrictive immigration positions. 相似文献