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291.
徐彬 《桂海论丛》2010,26(3):1-6
一个政党要维持和增强人民的认同,巩固自身执掌政权的地位,就必须不断地提高执政能力。中国共产党作为居于领导地位的执政党,必须将党的执政能力建设作为主线贯穿于伟大工程与伟大事业二者之中。文章立足于政治生态学的基本原理,依据政治体制改革渐次展开的逻辑,把中国共产党置身于国家、社会、党自身三大政治系统之中,着力研究党的执政能力建设在这些领域中所面临的挑战及其解决思路。  相似文献   
292.
党对军队绝对领导原则的产生与近代中国国情和中国革命道路紧密相关。近代中国国情和中国革命特点决定了中国共产党必须拥有武装力量才能取得革命成功;近代中国军权私有化的弊端决定了军队必须在党的领导下才能真正成为革命力量;工农武装割据、农村包围城市的特殊革命道路决定了党对军队的领导必须是"绝对"的领导。  相似文献   
293.
Political parties face hard choices when balancing desires to influence public policy, to gain executive office and to win votes. The existing literature examining such party preferences has traditionally focused on rather static aspects of the parties, such as size, policy positions and the level of intraparty democracy. This article argues that party actors' sophisticated estimations of whether to enter into coalition can be affected by fluctuating public opinion, thereby having a more dynamic aspect. Drawing on a survey experiment on youth politicians in Norway, we test how perceived standing in the polls affects how politicians weigh up policy versus office and votes versus office. The experimental effect of perceived standings was investigated in addition to the respondents' positions within the party, as well as their parties' former governing history, political orientation and size. Results show that, in the presence of the treatment condition (party is perceived to do well in the polls), the preference for policy over office is lessened. We find no experimental effect for vote versus office. These results advance our understanding of the dynamic aspects of party goals and coalition formation.  相似文献   
294.
Given the variety of stakeholders involved in cases within family drug courts, efficient communication and information sharing, which are needed to support decision‐making, can be quite challenging. Through a case study in one family drug court system, this research employed an action research approach to improve the information sharing process following the Lean Six Sigma methodology. The solutions implemented through this study contributed to improving the quality of the services provided by this court system and its overall productivity. In addition, this research extends our knowledge about methods for improving court systems from which others can learn to guide future improvement efforts.  相似文献   
295.
This research note focuses on two specific dimensions of legislative cohesion: the homogeneity of preferences within a party and party agreement. Although these two dimensions have often been considered as synonyms, it is argued that these two concepts refer to different realities. The authors therefore develop distinct measurements for these two concepts. The authors then examine their statistical relationship, putting to the test the widespread assumption that heterogeneous preferences increase the probability of disagreement. The authors do so by testing the effect of different measures of a member of parliament’s ideological distance to her/his party on her/his self-reported frequency of disagreement with her/his party. It is demonstrated that the causal chain linking both concepts is only verified in the case of a conscious ideological distance. The results have crucial theoretical and methodological implications for future research on party cohesion and party unity.  相似文献   
296.
我国民法通则和合同法都未对第三人胁迫作出规定。文章比较了国外三种立法例,从是否应该保护善意相对人以及因第三人胁迫所为的民事行为的效力是无效行为还是可撤销行为这两方面进行了阐述,指出意思表示自由更值得保护。  相似文献   
297.
近二十年来,金钱政治以一种看似矛盾和不自觉的方式,破坏着台湾执政党和政府及官员的政治形象、权力结构和统治基础,以一种潜在的力量推动着它们的政党政治和政治体制由一元的模式向多元的模式变化,从而加快了多元政治的发展;同时,在巩固民主的过程中,它以一种瓦解体制的形式阻碍着民主制度的形成和稳定.进一步来说,这种腐败在政党政治和政治发展的不同阶段可以产生不同的作用,它或是在巩固政治转型阶段推动政治转型和民主化,或是在巩固民主的阶段推动或阻碍民主的发展,但其总的表现形式都是瓦解体制.  相似文献   
298.
白慧林 《法学论坛》2004,19(4):90-96
为抑制信用证欺诈、维护诚实信用的国际贸易环境 ,信用证欺诈例外原则的运用需突破信用证的独立性 ,将信用证交易与基础合同交易联系起来考查。这是对信用证独立原则的例外。加拿大最高法院于 1 987年审结一起有关信用证欺诈例外原则的著名案例BankofNovaScodiaappellantv .Angelica -WhitewearLTD .andAngelicaCorpo rationRespondents,成功地总结了英美法国家处理信用证欺诈问题的立法、判例。本文从介绍该案入手 ,结合国际公约和现有立法、判例、法学理论 ,分析信用证欺诈例外原则确立的必要性及适用条件 ,以期为我国在新形势下完善有关信用证欺诈的立法、司法作理论上的探讨  相似文献   
299.
无论是中国的司法体制改革还是司法能动的运用都不能忽视执政党的独特作用,"司法独立"并不是绝对的,尤其是在社会的转型时期。司法能动中执政党的独特作用主要表现为:执政党最可能把握国家当下的社会现实与社会演变的基本趋势,执政党最可能指明能动司法的基本要求与最佳境界,执政党的政策本身对法律具有一定的补充价值,党对司法能动的指导具有必要性、可行性与低成本性,实现综合效益的最大化等方面。执政党对司法的独特作用给予我们诸多启示,其中之一就是中国法院的政治功能,是一个值得关注的时代课题。  相似文献   
300.
Insider and journalistic accounts of the formation in May 2010 of the Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition actually, although not explicitly, rely on types of explanation familiar to those who study politics. They tell us that structure (or at least the economy) was important. So too, they suggest, were institutions (timing and the rules of the game). They also stress the importance of contingency (‘events, dear boy, events’) and agency (who did and said what to whom). While none of these things were unimportant, they only served to make certain an outcome that anyone with a passing acquaintance with the theory and the practice of coalition formation would have predicted—namely a ‘minimum winning coalition’. The only thing that could have made that outcome uncertain was a fundamental ideological difference between the two parties involved; however, it quickly became apparent—to the surprise of those of us who failed to appreciate how much the Liberal Democrats had changed—that no such difference existed. Indeed, it is possible to argue that the coalition formed was not merely minimum winning but ‘minimum connected winning’. As such, its formation was not so much breathtakingly bold and exciting as pretty much inevitable. In the end, the maths and the physics mattered more than the chemistry. Fortunately for the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats seriously underplayed their hand in the negotiations, with possibly disastrous consequences for them in the long term.  相似文献   
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