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301.
Marco Morini 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(4):418-435
‘Euro Animal 7’ is the name given informally to 7 animal protection parties which represent voters in Cyprus, Germany, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. These parties contested in the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election and gained representation in Germany and the Netherlands. Animal advocacy parties are also represented in the national parliaments of Portugal and the Netherlands.
Animal protection is an emergent issue in international politics and this research offers an account of the political positioning of these animal advocacy parties, analyzing their manifestos and the election results. While acknowledging that some parties have distinct ideological traits and some are still reclusive in the form of a single-issue party, this article argues that animal advocacy parties constitute a new party family in European politics. 相似文献
302.
Efrat Aviv 《Democracy and Security》2018,14(3):276-299
This article aims to demonstrate the importance of the relationship between the Naqshbandi Ismaila?a community and the AK Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi, “Justice and Development Party”) government. As one of the most widespread Sufi brotherhoods in the world, the strength of the Naqshbandiyya lies in its characteristic combination of strict adherence to religious law and active involvement in social and political affairs. The ?smaila?a community, one of five main Naqshbandi communities in Turkey, is highly conservative and traditional, historically dominated by elders who have remained aloof from any power struggles within the Turkish government. While the AK Party has developed ties with religious orders in recent years, including the Ismaila?a, some voices within the Ismaila?a community have become critical of this relationship, leading to a rift within the community. In addition, since 2013, and especially after the attempted coup of July 2016, the AK Party has lost the support of its old ally, the Fethullah Gülen movement. This article examines the relationship between the AK Party and religious movements in Turkey as reflected via its relationship with Ismaila?a, and assesses whether the Fethullah Gülen movement can be replaced as a party ally by the Ismaila?a community. 相似文献
303.
Fabio Wolkenstein 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2018,21(4):433-455
On the face of it, membership ballots present a clear case in which intra-party democracy comes into collision with core principles of representative democracy: they weaken the autonomy of representatives, and undermine the authority of the voters. In this article, I investigate whether this is correct, and whether membership ballots are, therefore, democratically illegitimate, using the controversial 2013 Mitgliederentscheid in the German Social Democratic party as a critical case. I argue that there is nothing democratically suspect about membership ballots and mount a defence of intra-party democracy as intrinsically valuable, appealing to a principle of equal respect for persons as autonomous agents. It turns out that endorsing this principle has two possible implications: that the content of the ballot must be open to deliberation, and that these deliberations should be rendered open to non-members. I discuss these implications and offer some institutional design guidelines. 相似文献
304.
Choice of political party is an important decision a citizen faces in a democracy. In recent times, as democracies in many countries have matured, a number of studies are focusing on party and candidate choice and their various determinants. India, being the largest democracy, provides a fertile ground for such research. Accordingly, in this paper we concentrate on demographic characteristics, newspaper-reading habits of voters, and their political choice. To study this we have considered a very unique data set collected just before the watershed elections in the state of West Bengal in India, where the ruling Communist coalition was defeated after thirty-four years of power in the state. The survey was conducted using a structured questionnaire to collect information on demographic characteristics of voters and their political choice. The respondents were asked to indicate their party choice from among the three major political parties. As the literature shows that gender, age, education, income levels, marital status, occupational status, and choice of newspaper have significant impact on political choice, we have considered these as predictor variables for our study. From our study it is seen that among the demographic determinants, gender, marital status, and income of the respondents do not influence the choice of political party in our sample. However, occupation and newspaper choice of voters have significant impact on political party choice in our sample. In addition, we have observed that certain categories of age of voters significantly influence decision making of voters along with occupation and newspaper choice categories. 相似文献
305.
IDA B. HJERMITSLEV; 《European Journal of Political Research》2024,63(2):774-786
Minority governments often rely on the legislative support of parties, which play an ambiguous role in politics: while they are formally part of the opposition, they are simultaneously committed to keeping the government in office and passing its bills. Are these support parties protected from the electoral cost of governing or do voters recognize their responsibility for policy outcomes and hold them accountable? I hypothesize that voters who are dissatisfied with government performance will have less sympathy towards and will be less likely to vote for support parties. Using Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data, I find consistent support for both hypotheses. Voters seem to recognize the connection between support parties and the government and have both an affective and an electoral response to it. While voters dislike support parties more than junior members when they are dissatisfied with government performance, they punish the two types of parties similarly at elections. Support parties are thus in no way exempt from the accountability mechanisms. 相似文献
306.
张献生 《中央社会主义学院学报》2004,2(3):8-13
中国共产党执政与民主党派参政的实质,是共产党与民主党派在国家政权建设和政府工作中,充分发挥自身的不同作用,共同推进和实现人民当家作主,维护和发展最广大人民群众的根本利益.与民主集中制紧密结合,在履行各自职能基础上合作共事,是我国执政与参政关系不同于西方的显著特点.要准确把握二者同一性、差异性和联系性原则. 相似文献
307.
完善村务民主管理工作需要制度创新,需要建立完整的监督机制.健全的监督机制本身是一个复杂的体系,它应该包括被监督者自律监督,专职的村务监督委员会监督,独立的中介组织监督以及基层政府的有限监管和基层司法机关积极的司法监督.村务监督机制的每一个组成部分都因其独有的作用而不可忽视. 相似文献
308.
潘国庆 《天水行政学院学报》2007,(6):39-42
地方党政领导班子按照科学发展观要求加强自身建设，首先，要加强学习，进行理论武装，提高贯彻落实科学发展观的自觉性和坚定性；其次，要建立健全科学的政绩考评和用人机制，引导广大领导干部进一步践行正确的政绩观；再次，要全面落实惠民政策，突出解决民生问题，进一步发扬密切联系群众、求真务实的优良作风。 相似文献
309.
林博斌 《广东青年干部学院学报》2003,17(1):14-18
加强和改进党的群众工作 ,对于巩固党的执政基础具有决定性的意义。在新的世纪和新的发展阶段 ,我们要开创建设有中国特色社会主义事业的新局面 ,就必须以“三个代表”重要思想为指导 ,正确认识人民群众的主人翁地位和根本作用 ,始终坚持党的群众路线 ,进一步加强和改进新形势下党的群众工作 ,把实现人民群众的根本利益作为一切工作的出发点和归宿 ,努力实现好、维护好和发展好最广大人民群众的根本利益。 相似文献
310.
蔡干豪 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2006,(1):11-15
孙中山的政党思想是他革命思想的重要组成部分.认真研究孙中山的政党建设理论,特别是研究他发展的政党理论和与时俱进的精神,对今天的政治文明建设和祖国统一大业有着积极的借鉴意义. 相似文献