全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1980篇 |
免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 557篇 |
工人农民 | 92篇 |
世界政治 | 225篇 |
外交国际关系 | 485篇 |
法律 | 208篇 |
中国共产党 | 23篇 |
中国政治 | 70篇 |
政治理论 | 202篇 |
综合类 | 153篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 19篇 |
2020年 | 59篇 |
2019年 | 78篇 |
2018年 | 139篇 |
2017年 | 151篇 |
2016年 | 145篇 |
2015年 | 93篇 |
2014年 | 113篇 |
2013年 | 503篇 |
2012年 | 105篇 |
2011年 | 84篇 |
2010年 | 70篇 |
2009年 | 72篇 |
2008年 | 63篇 |
2007年 | 78篇 |
2006年 | 55篇 |
2005年 | 58篇 |
2004年 | 30篇 |
2003年 | 25篇 |
2002年 | 26篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2015条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
831.
L. Hierro 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(2):175-195
ABSTRACTSouth Africa’s peace and security outlook in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership has been guided by the content and substance of the founding document, which incorporates an interdependent approach to development. For South Africa, engagement in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership is framed by its historical background, its identity and the content of its foreign policy. South Africa's foreign policy in particular adopts an integrated approach to securing the state within its surrounding regional and continental geography. This article reviews South Africa's approach to peace and security, in the context of the strategic partnership. The article argues that, overall, South Africa's definition of peace and security is compatible with that of the EU; however, Pretoria's vision of how it provides peace and security has naturally changed in line with the varying international circumstances in which it has found itself. While this has proved difficult at times to reconcile, peace and security collaboration in the strategic partnership has managed to remain intact. 相似文献
832.
Deokhyo Choi 《亚洲研究》2017,49(4):546-568
Where does “pacifist” Japan fit within the history of the Korean War? Was Japan simply the beneficiary of the wartime boom – a case best exemplified by Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru’s characterization of the Korean War as “a gift of the gods”? When North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel and launched a full-scale attack against South Korea, the U.S. occupation in Japan quickly transformed the pacifist nation into the indispensable rear base of United Nations military intervention in the Korean War. The Japanese Communist Party and leftist groups organized by zainichi Koreans (Korean residents in Japan) launched an antiwar movement to stop Japan from producing and sending arms to UN forces in Korea. The U.S. occupation responded with determined efforts to contain every antiwar voice emerging from the streets of the pacifist country. By examining the political dynamics of zainichi Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and U.S. countermeasures, this article shows how the Korean War was fought in pacifist Japan. It also illuminates how the practice of Cold War containment was mutually linked on the ground between occupied Japan and South Korea. 相似文献
833.
Tabea Alexa Linhard 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2017,23(2):217-231
While Max Aub’s unique and prolific body of work has been the subject of numerous studies and monographs, his work remains undervalued in transnational contexts. An analysis of two of his plays, San Juan (1943) and El rapto de Europa (1946), and a collection of poems, Diario de Djelfa (1944), makes it possible to rethink the ways in which aesthetic projects, produced either during World War II or shortly afterwards, reveal a geography of the war’s forced displacements, in which the Spanish Civil War, European colonialism in North Africa, and its enduring postcolonial remainders become the most important landmarks. While the present analysis centers on Aub’s routes between Spain, France, Algeria, and, finally, Mexico, a persistent yearning for roots, for a sense of belonging, or, to use one of his characters’ words, for “solid ground” haunts his writing. The interplay between roots and routes therefore makes it possible to consider Aub’s work in a postcolonial context and within a transnational memory. 相似文献
834.
M. John Lamola 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2017,12(2):110-123
The fulcrum of this article is its exposure of postcolonial African modernity as being both historically and philosophically, an anachronistic colonial modernity, or simply Afrocoloniality. I explicate this anachronism by pointing out that while the cultural and intellectual edifice of Afrocoloniality was built on a colonial European Modernism, whose epistemic infrastructure continues to be reconstructed by the Western postmodernist movement, the structure of this Afrocoloniality remains impervious to this reconstruction. A Status quaestionis arises from the fact that, historically, in its nascent form, this African modernity that we claim is an Afrocoloniality was facilitated by an anticolonial consciousness that embraced and generated a series of political categories and a political praxis, which, in turn, had to be trapped in the paradigms of European modernism, while this very European modernism was in a state of philosophic crisis. A recognition of this incongruity, I argue, constitutes a uniquely African postmodernist conceptual prism that can serve to appraise these politico-philosophical categories that have informed the conduct of the anti-colonial struggle and the resultant postcolonial milieu. This article therefore, makes a case for this Afro-postmodernism. 相似文献
835.
Tushar Kanti Saha Rosemary Gray 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2017,12(1):120-139
This article argues that Lesotho’s landlocked position, which inhibits trade and results in enclaves of the poor, not only leads to its dependency on South Africa, but also contributes to its instability. It points out that destabilisation remains a problem in spite of Lesotho having served as an excellent model of peaceful transfer of power in a strengthened democratic arena under its 1993 Constitution, as the country had just celebrated 20 years of relative peace. However, despite the 1991 Windhoek Declaration military coups, violence, violation of both human rights and human security continue to contribute to instability in Lesotho, requiring the frequent intervention of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and especially so following the attempted coup in 2014. Lesotho’s Coalition government, which is a prime-ministerial form of government, is discussed in some detail in this article. The role of peacekeeping forces is also examined. The article recommends demilitarisation as the only practical, viable and long term solution to the problem of recurring coups in this country. The authors conclude that a sustained campaign against corrupt activities by government, though laudable, has somewhat surprisingly served to weaken the foundation of the Coalition in Lesotho. 相似文献
836.
Jörg Michael Dostal 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):57-68
The use of the term ‘imperial presidency’ in South Korea refers to the fact that the country's 1987 constitution grants the state's highest office holder de facto imperial powers with regard to domestic and foreign policy making. This version of the term therefore differs from Arthur M. Schlesinger's usage in the US context, which was critical of the discretionary powers exercised by US presidents in efforts to subvert the checks and balances of the US Constitution. Concentrating political power in the South Korean presidency severely curtails the work of the other political institutions, including its parliament (the National Assembly). Every time the presidency changes hands, the leadership structures of all other public institutions are subjected to major restructuring according to political loyalty, which interrupts their routine functioning. Overall, the presidency in its current form is dysfunctional and works as a barrier against democratic deepening. This article examines why lengthy debate over South Korea's imperial presidency has so far failed to result in comprehensive constitutional reform. 相似文献
837.
Chad Stephen Boda 《Development in Practice》2017,27(4):528-543
The way we frame a given problem structures the content that is brought into focus and thus the kinds of practical steps seen as necessary to alleviate it. This article interrogates two competing partial framings implicated in ongoing controversy over mangrove destruction in Vikhroli East, Mumbai, which have precluded integrated conservation and development. The article analyses the content of each particular framing, identifies their respective “blind spots”, and evaluates the validity of various frame components. It concludes with an exemplary alternative reframing arguably more conducive to social justice and sustainability in Vikhroli East and beyond. 相似文献
838.
Tharien van der Walt 《美中法律评论》2010,(1):29-41
The right to a free and fair trial is one of the most basic human fights afforded to mankind. In South Africa, prior to 1994, this right was afforded to accused persons by common law only. The criminal justice system in South Africa however has been changing radically since 1994 due to the inception of first the Interim Constitution and later the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. South Africa has a history of human rights abuses-also with regard to criminal trials. The right to a fair trial is now constitutionally enshrined and protected by the Bill of Rights. As a result thereof the application of this right by the South African courts has also changed and what would have passed muster in this regard prior to 1994 would not necessarily do so now. This paper seeks to explain what the right to a fair criminal trial in a democratic South Africa entails with reference to South Africa's international obligations in this regard as well as the provisions of the South African Constitution and case law. 相似文献
839.
管玄同 《胜利油田党校学报》2015,(4)
在抗战胜利纪念日前后举行各种形式纪念活动,是建国以来全国乃至各地的传统,有着独特的价值。建国以来抗战胜利纪念日经历了从"八一五"到"九三",从行政法规到国家立法的双重变化。抗战胜利纪念活动,包括全国性和地方性活动,经历了从新中国成立初期的高潮到20世纪50年代中后期开始的回落,再到改革开放后多样化、常态化、规范化的过程。抗战胜利纪念活动以对抗战精神的弘扬,发挥着强化历史教育、彰显国家意志、服务外交战略的功能。 相似文献
840.
Sara K. Head Kathryn M. Yount Monique M. Hennink Claire E. Sterk 《Development in Practice》2015,25(3):360-374
In Bangladesh, dramatic social and economic changes are transforming historical forms of patriarchy with various impacts on pathways to women's empowerment. We hypothesised contemporary resources would be more strongly associated with women's empowerment, as reflected in their influence in family decisions. In cross-sectional analysis, we found the contemporary resources of employment and membership in NGOs were most strongly and consistently associated with women's influence in family decisions. Education was only modestly associated, as were customary resources, including age and fertility. Programmatic efforts to enhance women's empowerment should consider the rapidly changing environment and the importance of women's economic participation. 相似文献