美国对中越西沙海战的反应

西沙海战爆发后，美国采取不介入的立场，军事上不介入中越海战，外交上不支持任何国家对西沙和南沙群岛的领土要求。其主要原因是：其一，美国认为这两个群岛的主权归属难以确定；其二，西沙海战的交战双方是南越和中国，美国难以取舍；其三，美国已经自越南撤军，出于国内政治的考虑，不愿意也难以介入西沙海战；其四，从根本上讲，美国的国家战略决定其必然采取不介入的政策。美国关注海战后军事和外交局势的发展，同时采取措施，尽量避免其盟国与中国之间发生战事，以推行其反苏遏苏的国家大战略。     

Combining sanitation and women's participation in water supply: an example from Rajasthan

Water supply and sanitation provision are key elements in progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Women's participation is considered integral to the sustainability of the projects created to meet these two MDGs. Bringing feminist and geographic critiques to bear on gendered approaches to improving sanitation coverage, the research reported on in this article indicates that latrine building and women's participation may be contradictory goals for sanitation projects, despite the fact that women are the target group for latrine-building interventions. The findings of the analysis suggest that attention must be given to latrine building as both a technical undertaking and a gendered political intervention.     

Rebellion in Gojam Province,Ethiopia

This article explores how and why the church in South Africa became an important civil society space and actor at the height of the anti-apartheid struggle and yet its civil society role declined following the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of political prisoners such as Nelson Mandela. It does this by engaging in a discussion of the nature of the South African church as civil society, followed by a consideration of the church's role at various points during the democratic transition. Specifically, it explores the church as a “site of struggle” during the late stages of the anti-apartheid struggle, as engaging in mediation and negotiation during the democratic transition, and as returning to a predominantly religious organisation in the post-apartheid era. It concludes with a discussion of the reasons for and implications of the church's decreased role in public and political life following the transition from apartheid to non-racial democracy.     

论南海问题中的美国因素

在影响南海问题的外部力量中,美国是最重要的第三方。冷战时期,美国对南海问题主要采取不介入和不表态的中立政策。冷战结束以来,美国开始关注和介入南海问题,并逐步采取具有明显倾向的政治和军事干预政策。美国的介入和干预加大了南海问题的复杂性和中国解决南海问题的难度。     

The modern face of traditional agrarian rule: local government in Pakistan

The 1980s saw an increasing enthusiasm for decentralisation and good governance in developing countries. Citing an ethnographic study of the office of Tehsil Mayor in Kharalpur, Pakistan, it is argued that decentralisation, instead of creating opportunities for people to engage in democratic participation and empowerment through modern local government institutions, has itself been subverted by the traditional norms and rules of patronage-based personalised governance. Modernity has not influenced tradition: rather, it is the other way around. This has further strengthened the power and prestige of the rural elite.     

朱德抗日游击战争思想与马克思主义中国化——以《朱德同志关于抗日游击战争的论述》为中心

《朱德同志关于抗日游击战争的论述》是朱德在1938年前后思考抗日游击战争理论问题的重要文献，充分表现出来德自觉继承马克思主义军事思想的学习精神，揭示了朱德结合中国革命实践敢于创新、创造性地运用马克思主义的理论品格。《朱德同志关于抗日游击战争的论述》是马克思主义军事思想中国化进程和毛泽东军事思想逐渐成熟过程的历史见证。     

国际法视角下的伊拉克战争--浅析布什主义的先发制人策略

先发制人是布什主义的基本要素,即坚持美国具有潜在的敌人能够伤害美国之前,对其首先发动攻击的权力.国家进行预防性战争的理由主要是,他国未来将发动袭击,因此要努力阻止这样的袭击发生.先发制人与预防性战争的区别主要在于敌人正准备进攻的确定无疑或似是而非.伊拉克战争是美国人一场预防性的战争,历史和国际法对预防性战争都是否定的.     

英韩两国医疗保险制度整合过程比较研究——以行动舞台的层次关系为核心

本文从制度主义的视角,利用层次性行动舞台为核心分析概念,对1911～1948年英国与1963～2007年韩国的健康保险制度整合过程进行了比较,结论是尽管在个人层次以及国家层次上两国情况都很类似,但是其根本区别在社会层次内部以及社会层次与国家层次的互动方面的不同。韩国经办组织层次与政治层次之间形成了一个劳使政三方委员会,政府充分利用这个组织框架达成的协议实现了医疗保险体系整合,而英国的社会层次表现为相互钳制,缺乏跟政治层面的良性互动,故无法实现整合。     

孙子“势”域中的群体性事件现场控制

孙子＂势＂论是其军事思想的重要组成部分之一。孙子＂势＂论在具体的作战中表现为将帅运用主客观条件所造成的态势和敌我力量对比。处置群体性事件具有政治要求高,敏感性强等特点。孙子＂势＂论可以作为群体性事件现场控制谋略的来源,使警方更加有效地进行力量配置和认识群体性事件现场控制要素。公安机关在群体性事件现场控制过程中,要善于从多维角度认知现场,在重视战机的巨大作用和示＂形＂造＂势＂的同时,还要善于超＂势＂。     

Disrupting the South African parliament: performing opposition 1994–2010

The article focuses on the most common form of institutionally punished disruption seen in South Africa's National Assembly since 1994: orders for individual MPs to withdraw from the chamber. The shifting dynamics of such “set-piece” dramatizations of opposition and their relationship with the established analyses of political opposition in post-apartheid South Africa, especially “dominant party democracy” theory are explored. There have been two main styles of disruptive performance in the National Assembly since 1994. Firstly, performances of perceived political marginalization, and secondly, performances that paradoxically lay claim to uphold parliamentary democracy through rule-breaking, which are termed performances of procedure-as-democracy. The article examines how opposition politicians have justified disruption and unpicks the symbolism of prominent incidents. The focus is upon the performance of disruption and its performative aspects, particular the articulation of race and gender. It is argued that performances of procedure-as-democracy are actually one of the principal means by which opposition political parties perform narratives of ANC dominance and as such require much more attention and critical engagement from political scholars interested in dominant party democracy.