Immigration to Egypt

Abstract

With more than three million Egyptians abroad, Egypt is always regarded in the migration literature as a labor-sending country. Hundreds of articles and books were written on Egypt as a sending country, while few articles regarded Egypt as a receiving country. This paper is an attempt to shed light on the role of Egypt as a country of immigration, rather than emigration. Since most of the immigrant populations in Egypt are refugees, the main focus of this paper is the exploration of refugee communities in Egypt and their socioeconomic, juridical, and political situation. Key gaps in the literature are also identified.     

Seeing/being double: how African immigrants in Canada balance their ethno-racial and national identities

With increased transnational ties to their homelands, immigrants' ontology now verges on being double – and, consequently, on seeing double – most of the time. This double consciousness, and the attendant dearth of fixity in identity among immigrants, has led some to wonder where the allegiance of minority immigrants, in particular, lies. Can these immigrants be loyal to both their ethno-racial identity and their host national identity? Is the identification with one's ethno-racial background and national identity a zero-sum game in which one side of the loyalty equation gains only at the expense of the other? This study examines these issues, using African immigrants (specifically, Ghanaians and Somalis) in Canada as a case study. In particular, we use multinomial logistic regression to predict the factors that prompt these immigrants to identify as: ‘just Canadians’, ‘just Ghanaians/Somalis’, or as ‘Ghanaian-/Somali-Canadians’. The study is significant not only because of the lack of research on African immigrants' identity formation in Canada, but also because immigrants' identity has significant bearing on their settlement and integration in host societies.     

Penetrating Trauma: Representing Rape in the Historical Drama Series Feast of the Uninvited

ABSTRACT

In the drama series Feast of the Uninvited, director Katinka Heyns portrays some of the pain and trauma experienced by families during the South African War (also known as the Anglo-Boer War). Within the storyline, the character of Magrieta Van Wyk is raped by a Boer man. This is one of the first physical “on screen” representations of rape in an Afrikaans television production, and because of this, the MNET series ignited a lot of controversy among audiences. Through this representation, Heyns challenges the traditional notion of the “pure and heroic” Boer hero that has become a well-known archetype within films and drama series set against this time period. While witnessing Magrieta’s rape on screen, we only later find out that the black housemaid Siena was also raped in a concentration camp reserved for black women and children. It is one of the first audio-visual case studies that mention black women’s suffering during this war, but it is still only given a brief glance. The author concludes that the collaborative effort of Heyns and cinematographer Koos Roets, combined with powerful performances, recreates the harshness of the South African War, and more specifically the traumatic experiences of women during this war.     

Rethinking media diversity policy on the community press in South Africa

ABSTRACT

It has been well acknowledged by historians of South African media that the country had a vibrant grassroots community press under apartheid, which declined with the advent of democracy. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) has supported media diversity in its media policy and has also criticised the supposedly anti-transformative nature of mainstream agenda-setting press. It has called for a range of measures to counteract this problem, including media diversity and intensified support for community media. However, apart from the establishment of the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA), in its practices in government, the ANC has adopted a market-driven approach to the development of the sector, leaving questions of market structure to the Competition Commission and Tribunal. Evidence from the community press suggests that this approach, which amounts to an adaptation to neoliberalism, but with a public service top-up, is inadequate to the task of realising diversity. As a result, the community press is facing deep crisis. The article will then consider why the ANC has adopted an incoherent, even contradictory approach to press diversity, and what policy measures are needed to encourage the sorts of vibrant community press that a democratic South Africa needs.     

Beyond access: Youth and digital skills

Abstract

There is an increasing growth in access to the Internet among youth, gained largely through cell phones, computer laboratories on campuses, home connections, and connections on personal computers. Also, the availability of social software tools for webpage creation, blogging, and creating and sharing multimedia content has made content creation relatively accessible. But are the youth using these tools effectively? What are the levels of digital skills among this population? This study investigates digital skills among South African university students. Through a survey conducted at ten universities, and two skill experiments conducted at two universities, this study explores the pattern of perceived skills and actual skills, to examine current trends of digital skills among the students. The findings reveal that forms of Internet access, the cost of access, social stratification, and inequalities have implications for the patterns of digital skills, with content creation being a challenge for many youth.     

The remythologisation of white collective identities in post-apartheid South African film by myth and counter myth

Abstract

Since 1994 a collection of films, referred to here as post-apartheid South African history film, has thematically represented South Africa's apartheid history, and in so doing has engaged with the representation of the white figure in ways which suggest a reformulation of collective South African white identity construction. Part of this process is the phenomenon of the remythologisation, or the counter myth construction, of whiteness as an identity on film. Such mythic representations frequently describe the white figure as connected to aspects of guilt (whether individual or collective), remorse and forgiveness. Often the mythic construction of whiteness on film is delivered in a seemingly oversimplified binary fashion, reducing the representation of white identity in the post-apartheid South African situation to one that is robbed of complexities and nuances.     

The EU in the South Caucasus and the Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War

Despite hopes that it would act as a transformative tool in the South Caucasus to strengthen democracy, stability, security and regional cooperation, the Eastern Partnership (EaP) has produced limited results, with the region more fragmented today than it was five years ago. Russia’s war against Ukraine has further exacerbated the situation, raising concerns over the extent to which South Caucasus countries can genuinely rely on the West. Today, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan have different geostrategic trajectories. While Georgia has stuck to the Euro-Atlantic track, Armenia joined the Russian-led Eurasian Union in January 2015. Meanwhile Azerbaijan has the luxury of choosing not to choose. Developments in the region have demonstrated that a ‘one size fits all’ approach does not work and a more differentiated policy is required.     

Civic Activism Continued Through Other Means: Terror-Violence in the South of Thailand

This article explores the relationship between civil society and terror-violence. It argues that terrorism should be understood as “civic activism continued through other means.” This allows us to distinguish it from state-terror. The article then explores the theme with data drawn from the political situation in the south of Thailand focusing on some recent events in which local Thai Malay-Muslims have protested against military presence. The paper also provides a brief history of the development of belligerent separatist groups in the area showing that they emerged after dissatisfaction with 20th century Thai civil-societal possibilities.     

“Nobody helps us”: insights from ultra-poor Bangladeshi women on being beyond reach

This paper documents the exclusion from formal assistance of 43 Bangladeshi ultra-poor female heads of household, which forces women to rely on overstretched forms of informal assistance that are not culturally prescribed and are often experienced as shameful. Experiences of helplessness reinforced by dominant views of the ultra-poor as going nowhere discourage women from seeking out formal assistance. In order to overcome the effects of being deemed “beyond reach”, scholars and providers of aid must attend to persistent forms of neglect and exclusion in formal aid programmes, including the false assumption that the ultra-poor easily access prescribed informal social supports.

« Personne ne nous vient en aide » : points de vue de femmes bangladaises ultra-pauvres sur le fait qu'elles sont « hors de portée »

Cet article documente l'exclusion de toute assistance formelle de 43 Bangladaises chefs de famille ultra-pauvres, exclusion qui contraint ces femmes à dépendre de formes d'assistance informelle déjà insuffisantes qui ne sont pas culturellement prescrites et sont souvent vécues comme honteuses. Les expériences d'impuissance, renforcées par le fait que les ultra-pauvres sont le plus souvent perçus comme condamnés à leur condition, dissuadent les femmes de demander une assistance formelle. Afin de surmonter les effets qu'a sur elles le fait d'être considérées comme « hors de portée », les théoriciens et les fournisseurs d'aide doivent remédier à des formes persistantes d'abandon et d'exclusion dans les programmes formels d'aide, y compris la fausse hypothèse selon laquelle les ultra-pauvres peuvent facilement accéder à des réseaux de soutien social informels.

“Nadie nos ayuda”: hallazgos obtenidos entre mujeres en situación de extrema pobreza de Bangladesh respecto a su percepción de estar fuera del alcance de toda ayuda

Este artículo documenta las condiciones en que se encuentran 43 mujeres cabezas de familia de Bangladesh en situación de extrema pobreza, quienes han sido excluidas del sistema de asistencia formal. Tal exclusión obliga a las mujeres a depender de la escasa asistencia informal, no sancionada culturalmente. Por ello, a menudo experimentan vergüenza a la hora de recibirla. Al buscar ayuda formal las mujeres enfrentan las dificultades generadas por la sensación de impotencia que las invade, la cual se ve reforzada por la opinión existente a nivel general de que las personas que padecen extrema pobreza nunca podrán salir de esta situación. Para superar los efectos producidos por la percepción de estar “fuera del alcance de toda ayuda”, los académicos y los proveedores de asistencia deberán enfrentar las persistentes formas de abandono y de exclusión derivadas de los programas de ayuda formales, incluyendo la suposición falsa de que las personas en situación de extrema pobreza pueden obtener ayuda social informal con facilidad.

“Ninguém nos ajuda”: ideias de mulheres bengalesas que vivem em pobreza extrema sobre estarem fora de alcance

Este artigo documenta a exclusão, da assistência formal, de 43 mulheres bengalesas chefes de família que vivem em pobreza extrema, o que as força a dependerem de formas sobrecarregadas de assistência informal que não são culturalmente indicadas e que são frequentemente vivenciadas como humilhantes. Experiências de desamparo reforçadas por visões dominantes sobre as pessoas que vivem em pobreza extrema não conseguirem ir a lugar algum desincentivam as mulheres a buscar assistência formal. Para superar os efeitos de se ser considerado “fora de alcance”, acadêmicos e provedores de ajuda humanitária devem abordar as formas persistentes de negligência e exclusão de programas de ajuda formal, incluindo o falso pressuposto de que os que vivem em extrema pobreza têm acesso facilmente a apoio social informal adequado.     

The 2008 Russian–Georgian war via the lens of Offensive Realism

Abstract

The Russian intervention in Georgia's breakaway republic of South Ossetia in August 2008, Moscow's first-ever use of military force against a sovereign state in the post-cold war period, deserves a theoretical explanation. By following the tenets of Offensive Realism, this article will argue that the US–Russian competition in the South Caucasus is the main cause of the 2008 Russian–Georgian war. During the 1990s, the USA passed the buck to Turkey to contain Russian influence in the South Caucasus. In the early to mid-2000s, however, the Russian–Turkish relations were improved so rapidly that the USA opted, through NATO expansion, to step in as an offshore balancer. Following Bush administration's decision to support the Georgian candidacy for NATO membership and Georgia's ill-fated attempt to seize South Ossetia, Moscow went to war to re-establish hegemony in the South Caucasus. In this way, as the theory of Offensive Realism claims, the Kremlin believes that Russian state will enhance its chances of survival in the anarchical international system.