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181.
The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-communist countries has been amply documented. The pre-accession conditionality was to a large extent the tool used to enhance adoption of norms, and implementation of policy. In this context, it is less clear what happens after countries join the EU and conditionality is no longer an option. This article seeks to provide an answer by analysing how the EU can influence democratic governance after accession of a new member state. In particular, it focuses on the reactions of EU actors in two institutional conflicts (the 2007 and 2012 presidential impeachment referendums) in Romania. The main findings indicate how EU leverage on domestic politics remains possible, though the effectiveness of involvement, monitoring and evaluation of respect for democratic principles depends on a complex interaction of international and domestic actors. 相似文献
182.
John J. Davenport 《Criminal justice ethics》2016,35(1):39-67
This article defends the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine (adopted by the United Nations in 2005) against critiques by Fabrice Weissman in this journal, and against similar criticisms of humanitarian intervention and human rights norms made by postmodern thinkers in the Nietzschean tradition, such as Alain Badiou and Anne Orford. I argue against Weissman that R2P can be effective in stopping or preventing mass atrocities, and in particular that opposition to military intervention in Syria during the 2013 debates was a terrible mistake. Moreover, the moral ground for humanitarian aid efforts is the same as the basis for forceful rescue from mass slaughter, ethnic cleansing, and persecution (when other conditions of just war can be met). Weissman's critiques misinterpret just war theory on key points and rely on inflated rhetorical strategies inspired by extreme forms of cultural and moral relativism that are intellectually bankrupt—both in blaming “Western imperialism” for most crimes against humanity committed by tyrants, and in leaving hundreds of thousands without the only protection that could prevent their murder and exile. These extreme positions and the strained rhetorical devices used to defend them do not deserve the wide respect they command in some parts of academia. 相似文献
183.
周立胜 《西南政法大学学报》2000,2(4):32-35
电视新闻隐性采访在发挥其强大的舆论监督功能的同时也带来了法律上的权利冲突,对这些权利冲突我们不仅应作一般性的价值理性意义的衡量,还应从社会经济效率出发作经济学意义上的量化利益均衡。 相似文献
184.
Self-reports on domestic violence inventories remain the basis of court and clinical decision-making and program outcome evaluations, but previous research questions their reliability and validity. Accurate prediction of underreporting would help practitioners and researchers adjust batterer and victim self-reports. We develop prediction equations of underreporting on the Conflict Tactics Scale, using a multi-site database of men admitted to batterer programs and their female partners (n = 840). First we use variables measured at program intake to predict female and male underreporting of male violence at program intake. Second, we use variables measured at program intake, as well as measures of program participation, to predict male-female disagreement (male underreporting) at 12-month follow-up. Several variables were predictive of underreporting, both at intake and follow-up, but overall prediction was marginally better than chance. The findings suggest that men and women underreport based on situational factors (such as relationship characteristics) and rational reasons, rather than based on personality traits or social desirability. However, the ability to predict underreporting is too weak for adjustment of self-reports by clinicians and program evaluators. 相似文献
185.
杨亚丽 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2004,(4):42-44
规范冲突时,选择适用规范不当易造成行政侵权。因此,选择适用规范要对规范的有效性进行审查鉴别,做出正确、合法的选择,以准确适用法律。 相似文献
186.
2008年7月因佛教古寺柏威夏寺归属引发的柬埔寨一泰国边界紧张局势终于出现了缓和的迹象。由于历史原因,柬泰关系特别是边界问题极其敏感和复杂,熟悉这方面的柬埔寨学者认为柏威夏问题无法单独彻底解决。本文就这一问题作些述评。 相似文献
187.
James K. Sebenius 《Negotiation Journal》2013,29(1):7-21
A long analytic tradition has explored the challenge of productively synchronizing “internal” with “external” negotiations, with a special focus on how each side can best manage internal opposition to agreements negotiated “at the table.” Implicit in much of this work has been the view that each side's leadership is best positioned to manage its own internal conflicts, often by pressing for deal terms that will overcome internal objections and by effectively “selling” the agreement to key constituencies. Far less frequently have analysts considered how each side can help the other side with its “behind‐the‐table” barriers to successful agreement. Following Robert Putnam's two‐level games schema, I characterize such “behind‐the‐table” or “Level Two” barriers more broadly, offer several innovative examples of how each side can help the other overcome them, and develop more general advice on doing so most effectively. As a fuller illustration of a Level Two negotiator helping the other side with its formidable behind‐the‐table challenges, I pay special attention to the end‐of‐Cold‐War negotiations over German reunification in which former American Secretary of State James Baker played a key role. 相似文献
188.
慎思暂缓起诉在我国的适用 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
暂缓起诉是我国检察机关灵活处理案件的一种方法 ,它对于我国依法治国 ,建设法治国家具有重要意义 ,是我国应当吸纳的一项法律制度。但是由于其采用的是自发的、自下而上的法律创设模式 ,与我国现行法律制度存在许多冲突。因此 ,欲设立暂缓起诉 ,必先破除这些冲突 相似文献
189.
Neale Richmond 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):115-121
Despite all the contemporary difficulties that we face on the island of Ireland, twenty-four years on from the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, there is a clear sense of hope for a better future. We should be optimistic for our shared future, even if we do not agree on what form that should take. We cannot discuss Northern Ireland or its future without acknowledging that Brexit has significantly shifted the conversation. Not only has it brought Anglo-Irish relations to a low not seen in the past twenty-five years, but it has also damaged the reputation of the UK internationally and brought the topic of Irish unity back to the fore of our political discourse. 相似文献
190.
刘燕凌 《中共山西省委党校学报》2010,33(6):95-97
中国文化是中国各民族在长期共同生活中创造的,对世界产生过重大影响,中国文化与西方文化一同为人类文明进步作出了突出贡献。中西文化交流的历史十分悠久,无论是从明代“东学西渐”到“西学东渐”与“中学西传”的并行,还是到近代中西文化的交流,中西文化交流的历史始终是中西文化冲突与融合、输入与输出相随相伴的历史。因此,正确认识当代中西文化交流,对推进中国文化建设有重大的借鉴意义。 相似文献