The UN system's contribution to Asia-Pacific security architecture

Although it has been the major states of China, the former Soviet Union and especially the United States that have made the major contributions to shaping the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, the UN system has played a useful, adjunct role. This is especially the case in the post-Cold War era when its principal bodies, together with its various specialized agencies, have provided vital support in moving warring societies into a period of relative peace and stability. The UN peace-building operations in Cambodia and East Timor were some of the most demanding ever undertaken by this universal institution. But beyond these particular examples, the United Nations has been influential in the region in other, more indirect, ways. It has set standards, its charter has been a powerful source of ideas when it comes to composing parallel documents at the state or regional levels, and it has helped with the negotiation of global arms control treaties, making up to some degree for the absence of such arrangements at the regional level. The UN has also had a legitimating function, providing an arena where Asia-Pacific states can publicize their grievances, and receive approval or reprimand for their behaviour. It has played a valuable role, too, as third-party mediator. However, the UN's political structure constrains the contribution it can make to the security order since it is reliant on major state agreement before it can act. Veto power - not its actual use but simply its anticipated use - gives China, Russia and the United States a controlling function with respect to a potential UN role in the management of conflict. Beijing and Washington would work, and have worked, to exclude the United Nations from major involvement in conflicts in which they have direct security interests: the Taiwan and Korean issues being the two most obvious in this regard. Thus, the United Nations is a useful buttress but not a central pillar of the region's security architecture.     

A new dynamism in Sino-Japanese security relations: Japan's strategic use of foreign aid

Abstract

In November 2004 a Chinese nuclear submarine cruised into Japan's territorial waters near the Okinawa Islands. In response, the Japanese government dispatched several Japanese naval ships and planes to chase the Chinese submarine until it navigated into international waters. This event, which potentially could have become the first exchange of fire between Japan and China since the Second World War, illuminated increasingly problematic security relations between the two neighbouring countries in the twenty-first century. In fact, deterioration of Sino-Japanese security relations is not a recent phenomenon but has already been evident since the mid-1990s, when Japan imposed a series of economic sanctions on China. Between 1995 and 2000 Japan had suspended its foreign aid to China in protest against: China's nuclear weapons tests; China's large scale war game including the launch of missiles across the Taiwan Strait; and Chinese naval activities in disputed areas in the East China Sea. This article looks at Sino-Japanese security relations since the mid-1990s through three case studies of the aid sanctions imposed by Japan on China. It clarifies the domestic political and bureaucratic interests that motivated aid sanctions and determined the decision-making process leading to these sanctions. The article argues, that with certain politico-security interests, Japanese governments actively used foreign aid as a strategic instrument to counter provocative military actions by China in the East Asian region since the mid-1990s. Despite the limited influence that Japanese aid sanctions have actually had on Chinese military behaviour, Japan's strategic use of foreign aid has undeniably created a new dynamism in security relations between the two neighbouring great powers in Asia.     

内地和港台地区贪污贿赂举报制度之比较

举报在反贪污贿赂斗争中发挥着重要作用。内地与港台地区都建立了对贪污贿赂案件的举报制度。与港台地区相比,内地的贪污贿赂举报制度尚存在一些缺陷,如相关规定法律层级不高、规定不够具体,对举报人的保护不够充分,奖励制度不够完善等。借鉴港台地区对贪污贿赂举报的立法经验,对完善内地的贪污贿赂举报制度有积极意义。     

论台湾地区的交付审判制度

2002年,台湾地区在建立改良式当事人主义的总体目标下,以德国的强制起诉制度和日本的准起诉制度为蓝本,于《刑事诉讼法》中创设了交付审判制度,以监督、制衡检察官的不起诉权限。不过,该制度自创设以来,不论是学说上对其违反控审分离原则的批评,还是对其一连串具体制度运行可行性的质疑,都使这一制度陷入了困境。因此,在研究交付审判制度时,除了对这一制度加以介绍外,对其进行适度的反思也是必不可少的。     

法律、民生与民间规则——兼论两岸交流制度中民间规则的作用

法律是社会交往和社会需要的产物,因之,法律也是主体交往中日常生活的公共产品。它不仅作用于人们日常的物质生活,而且也作用于人们的精神生活。更重要的是,法律作为正式制度,还缔造着人们的制度生活。但法律的规定并不是完全自足的,一方面,需要关注作为非正式制度的民间规则的作用,另一方面,当法律规定有所遗漏,或者法律规定对公民的日常生活不能调整、规范时,民间规则对救济法律的不足,就可能会派上用场。甚至即使法律对相关社会关系有所规定,在实践中也免不了法律和民间规范相互交叠地发挥作用。基于这种认识,在两岸有关民生的交流中,应当把民间规则纳入保障两岸民生、促进两岸往来的重要社会因素中。     

大陆、台湾地区的犯罪心理测试比较研究

对比两岸犯罪心理测试技术,大陆司法界仍然抱着怀疑态度,而台湾地区则持有谨慎相信的态度。在仪器引进研发上,大陆以仿制和自主研发为主,台湾地区以进口为主;在法律效力上,大陆是辅助侦查手段,台湾地区是辅助证据;在测试主体标准及培养方式上,大陆参差不齐,台湾严谨慎重;其他如测试技术客体标准,测试的实施条件、测试环境等方面,大陆和台湾地区基本相同,略有差异。海峡两岸均应更严格地对犯罪心理测试技术实施资质管理,提高准确率,以期为法制昌明而出力。     

构建和谐海西视野下的群体性事件治理机制研究

当前,群体性事件呈现出触点越来越多、燃点越来越低、借助网络资源大势进行炒作、煽动、串联的现实危害越来越严重等新特点。能否有效治理群体性事件,关键还是要创新机制。必须在准确分析把握当前社会矛盾及焦点问题,准确分析把握当前群体性事件的主要特点和发展趋势的基础上,以科学发展观为统领,建立健全使各类矛盾及其诱因减少发生几率的长效预防机制、“以人为本”的和谐处置机制、反应灵敏的新闻发布和舆论引导机制、理论联系实际的学习机制,以此遏制群体性事件多发之势。     

海西山区农村群体性治安事件成因分析—以福建省三明市为例

构建和谐社会、建设社会主义新农村是全面推进小康社会建设的一项重大任务,海峡西岸经济区建设具有加强对台工作,促进祖国统一等重要意义。但海西山区农村大量群体性治安事件的发生,会对农村社会稳定和经济发展造成许多不良影响。这些治安事件的发生是经济、社会等多种原因、矛盾交织在一起形成的。     

台湾警察大学侦查学专业课程设置特点及启示

台湾警察大学侦查学专业主干课程的设置目的是培养学生的刑事侦查能力、刑事鉴识能力、人际沟通能力、组织管理能力和治安对策分析能力。台湾警察大学侦查学专业主干课程分为侦查原理课程组、侦查科技课程组、侦查法学课程组、现场侦查课程组四大类。台湾警察大学侦查学专业主干课程设置具有专业性、多元性、细化性的特点,比较强调心理学及相关科学技术在侦查领域的应用,重视犯罪模式分析和侦查执法的合法性。大陆侦查学专业课程设置应强化专业性,强化新技术、新知识在侦查中的应用,强化侦查执法的合法性。     

试析台湾当局国家认同观与两岸政策

从国家认同观的视角看待台湾当局两岸统独政策,是研究台湾政治发展和两岸政治关系的一个重要课题;在"中国"国家认同观下,蒋介石、蒋经国时期形成了"两岸统一"政策;在"台湾定位"国家认同观下,李登辉时期制定了"两岸分治"政策;在"台湾"国家认同观下,陈水扁时期推行了"台湾独立"政策;在走向"一个中国"国家认同观下,马英九时期确立了"两岸终极统一"政策。