Korean elites: Social networks and power

During the period of rapid industrialisation, Korean business elites sought to establish a ruling alliance of state officials, politicians, business owners, and professional managers that formed a social coalition to influence the state and society as a whole, reinforced through extensive social and political networks with various ruling groups. The elite community has generated a high degree of self-recruitment and social closure through school, marriage and kinship networks. In this way, the leading sector of the Korean business elite has formed complex, often contingent, relations with the state elite, and acts as an integral part of the upper class in society.     

试论“地震天谴论”与“日本暧昧论”——两种截然不同的对日本“国家定位”和“未来走向”的诉求

石原慎太郎的"地震天谴论"和大江健三郎"日本暧昧论"代表了"三一一"巨大地震后日本两种截然不同的对"国家定位"和"未来走向"的诉求。前者的民族主义话语本意和后者的理想主义追求形成鲜明对照。它们的相同点是均要面对沉重的历史负资产和日美同盟关系等尖锐的现实问题,两者构成了极其矛盾即"暧昧"的两极。今后日本在"国家定位"等问题上将在这两极之间摇摆。在这样的情况之下,中国因素将起到重要的作用。     

Nonprofit Cultural Alliances: Initiatory Qualitative and Empirical Examinations of an Emergent U.S. Phenomenon

This study examines the recent spontaneous emergence of nonprofit cultural alliance organizations in the U.S. Cultural alliances are community-based associations, formed by arts/cultural organization members, which provide member interaction, collaboration, networking, resource sharing, and professional education opportunities. This research accomplishes three objectives: (1) generation of a body of knowledge about cultural alliances, (2) development of a cultural alliance member satisfaction model, and (3) quantitative analysis of member survey data to assess services provided, service quality, and member satisfaction. The results indicate that the survey instrument is an important assessment tool for use by association boards of directors and executive directors.     

Hurdles to International Terrorist Alliances: Lessons From Al Qaeda's Experience

Despite the threat posed by international terrorist alliances, the conditions that foster and inhibit these relationships remain poorly understood. When seeking allies outside of their primary conflict and political market, groups struggle to forge credible commitments, particularly the requisite ‘shadows of the future’ and reputations conducive to cooperation, without third-party enforcers. Given their suspicious nature and strong in-group identities, terrorist groups sometimes balk at relinquishing independence for security. Alliances risk precipitating counterterrorism pressure, alienating constituents, and increasing the risk of betrayal. Even groups that enjoy alliance success, like Al Qaeda, experience these hurdles in their alliance. What helped to set Al Qaeda apart from most groups was its ability to navigate these obstacles, though some bedeviled its alliances efforts. This offers under-utilized opportunities for alliance disruption.     

欧亚经济共同体经济一体化对中国的影响及中国的对策

欧亚经济共同体是以俄罗斯为主导的独联体框架内最重要的经济一体化组织。目前,该组织在建立关税同盟方面取得了重大的实质性进展,共同体框架内的俄白哈三国关税同盟已于2010年1月1日正式启动。该组织作为中国的重要周边因素之一,其经济一体化的进展和发展趋势将不可避免地对中国与其成员国的经贸合作产生一定的影响。中国应积极采取应对措施,迎接共同体经济一体化所形成的挑战,并利用其提供的机遇,以促使中国与共同体成员国的经贸合作健康发展。     

日本民主党执政与美日同盟变化

日本政权更迭是亚洲格局发生重大变革的一个最新迹象。民主党在竞选中获胜表明了寻求"更加平等"的日美关系获得了国内民众的认可,这是民主党制定对美政策的国内背景。在国际层面,中国的实力地位已经发生了质的变化,这种变化在日美关系上必然要有所反映,民主党执政则在客观上为日美同盟变化提供了可能。民主党追求自主性的基本方式是构建东亚共同体和更多地参与联合国事务,这预示着:与自民党相比,民主党将更多地以亚洲身份和在多边框架下参与地区和国际事务,而非对美国的一味盲从。民主党对"自主性"的追求并不意味着同盟弱化,相反,在解决朝鲜核问题、防核扩散、能源和环境保护等方面,日美有可能继续加强协调以维持对两国都必不可少的同盟关系。     

朝核问题视角下的东北亚安全

冷战后,自从朝核问题出现以来,东北亚的安全局势发生了巨大的变化,朝核问题已然成为东北亚安全的焦点与核心。基于东北亚的区域特点和安全形势,朝核问题的地区解决方式应该是比较稳妥、长远、符合现实的,同时需要地区内主要大国的推动以及双边与多边机制的结合,重要的是在区域的核心点上将朝鲜纳入国际社会的发展轨道。然后,在这些原则基础上去探索东北亚安全机制建构的路径。     

朝鲜半岛新危机与美国东北亚同盟体系新变化

朝鲜半岛危机与美国东北亚同盟体系的构建与演化关系密切。2010年至2011年初,朝鲜半岛危机呈现出新的特点,美日、美韩同盟的演变也进入了新的阶段,呈现出新的变化。此轮朝鲜半岛新危机的特点是,海上危机与核危机并发。美国东北亚同盟体系的新变化是,同盟反应以军事压制为主,双边同盟强化并赋予新的内容,三边同盟趋势化且日韩互动提升。     

反腐新思维：以利益背反打破攻守同盟

现有法律同时惩罚行贿者和受贿者，为“同时惩罚方案”，往往导致双方的利益攻守同盟，不利于高效反腐。“利益背反方案”提出了反腐新思维，能够打破腐败中的攻守同盟。此方案将行贿受贿分为受贿阶段与完成阶段。在受贿阶段，只要受贿者主动坦白，则他不但无过，反而有功，而对行贿者则予以惩罚；在完成阶段则相反。若此，在任一阶段都有且只有一方获利并且有且只有一方受损，于是形成双方利益与风险的多重背反；同时，任何一方自身的利益与风险也是背反的，即利益越大风险反而越小，利益越小风险反而越大。于是，双方成为利益敌人，从而打破攻守同盟。此外，利益背反还具有中立性、操作性很强、反腐败成本很低、适用范围很广等优点。     

Challenging the ‘urban myth’ of psychopathy untreatability: the High-Risk Personality Programme

Psychopathy has long been framed as a special challenge in criminal justice contexts, in part due to the supposedly untreatable nature of psychopathic offenders. Indeed, previous failed attempts to ‘treat’ this particular group have resulted in a widespread pessimism about treatment efficacy amongst correctional professionals. This pessimism has focused on the inherent unchangeable nature of psychopathic traits, especially those associated with Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) Factor 1 items and the challenge of developing an effective therapeutic alliance with hostile, manipulative offenders. It is argued that this negative stance is neither unanimous nor justified because of poor consistency of population definition and methodological problems with structural and functional attributes of traditional treatment approaches. This article describes an experimental intervention – the High-Risk Personality Programme (HRPP) – a New Zealand prison-based group intensive treatment programme designed to reduce violence with a psychopathic group, and create opportunities to devise rehabilitative solutions with a challenging group.