新文化运动前后个人主义话语的演变

新文化运动前后，个人主义话语在不断变化的历史语境中发生了深刻的意义演变。在杜亚泉那里，个人主义被视为儒家思想的现代版；在陈独秀那里，它又成为了传统文化的对立面。就这样，在特定的历史背景下，论者为了使其服务于特定的政治目的，不断地对个人主义话语进行着再创造。     

试论缅甸近代历史上的“1300运动”

"1300"运动是缅甸近代民族主义运动中影响最大的一次运动,这次运动由以下三部分组成1938-1939年仁安羌和稍埠石油工人大罢工和"饥饿进军";1938年的反穆斯林运动;以及1938-1939年的学生抗议运动."1300"运动促使缅甸人民更加团结,民族主义意识空前高涨,缅甸近代民族主义运动进而跨入了一个新的发展时期.     

“五四”前后科学观念的呈现与想象

"五四"前后,科学观念传播从一开始起,就僭越了自身的本质规定性,由技术层的物质保障提升为一种结束皇权、批判专制、重建价值的政治、文化行为,并在传统与现实的不断整合以及政治斗争的激荡下,被塑造为强有力的意识形态系统.     

戊戌妇女运动:中国批判性别本质主义的先驱--兼驳中国妇女运动比西方落后的偏见

戊戌妇女运动一开始就对性别本质主义进行了与西方早期女权运动同样的批判,即用"男女差异教育形成论"抨击"男智女愚天生论",因而成为中国批判性别本质主义的先驱.中西早期妇女运动对性别本质主义的批判只是详略程度不同,没有本质的差距.这就说明至少中西早期妇女运动的水平不分轩轾,西方学术界笼统地认为中国妇女运动远比西方落后是一种偏见.     

试论弗·道格拉斯的女权思想

弗·道格拉斯不仅是19世纪美国黑人的著名领袖,也是美国女权运动的先驱者之一。他以美国《独立宣言》所宣称的人人生而平等和代议制政府原则为基础,把黑人解放和妇女解放思想巧妙地结合起来,变成有机的整体。但是,道格拉斯首先是一位黑人领袖,他在两者不能兼顾的时候,总是优先考虑黑人的解放问题,这就注定了他的女权思想的局限性,与女权运动领导人的关系也不可能一帆风顺,而是既有冲突,也有合作。     

近年来五四运动研究综述

为庆祝五四运动90周年,从2008年开始学术界掀起了五四运动的研究热潮,取得了丰硕的研究成果。这些成果概括起来集中于以下四个方面：五四内涵与精神的诠释;五四人物、群体、社团、刊物及思想的深挖掘;五四意义与作用的解读;五四争论与反思的再探讨。从以上四个方面出发对1年多来的五四研究成果进行考察,作一综述。     

Talcott Parsons on full citizenship for African Americans: retrospective interpretation and evaluation

In this essay in the Thinking Citizenship Series, Lidz evaluates the contributions of Talcott Parsons for thinking about citizenship and race relations in twentieth century America.     

国民政府对女性的塑造和训练——以抗战前新生活运动为中心的考察(1934-1937)

新生活运动中,南京国民政府制定了一系列针对女性的法令和措施,触及到女性的着装、婚姻家庭、职业、社交等基本生活层面,国民政府试图通过行政力量"塑造"和规范女性。另外,国民政府建立了一些妇女团体,组织动员更多的女性参与到新生活运动中。本文通过对新生活运动的探讨,发现国民政府对妇女的政策具有双重角色定位的特点:既维护女性的传统角色,注重女性的家庭责任,又鼓励妇女提高自身的智识,动员妇女参与社会事业,担当"国民"之责任。     

One Namibia,one nation? The Caprivi as contested territory

The second of August 2009 marked the tenth anniversary of the failed secessionist attempt by the Caprivi Liberation Movement (CLM). It resulted in Namibia's sole state of emergency since independence. Ten years on, the high treason trial for what began as more than 130 accused drags on. Namibia thus has the longest serving political prisoners within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) without their having been convicted. This article draws attention to a widely neglected failure in Namibia's nation-building effort and thereby highlights a special challenge left by the colonial legacy to the independent government. It presents a summary of events leading to the secessionist attempt and a historical overview of issues around the so-called Caprivi Strip and explores the shortcomings in an unresolved relationship between the central state and the local perspectives and identities of people living at the margins. By doing so, it uses the case study of the Caprivi region as an example for the challenges of bringing about ‘One Namibia, One Nation’.     

Between Breivik and PEGIDA: the absence of ideologues and leaders on the contemporary European far right

In the aftermath of the Norwegian terror attacks of 22 July 2011, the question of agency with regard to the convicted perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, has frequently been discussed. Did he really act on his own? Were his actions self-directed? Was he, as a typical ‘lone wolf’, inspired by the prevalent far-right concept of ‘leaderless resistance’ or, simply, a blind tool, a string puppet pushed and pulled by dark forces, as some commentators have claimed? His cut-and-paste manifesto points to inspiration from ideas circulating in the European Counter Jihad Movement (ECJM), in itself a contradictory mix of ideological positions. A number of these ideas were given new life when the so-called ‘populist right-wing movement of indignation’, the Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (PEGIDA) took to the streets of Dresden in the autumn of 2014. The driving force behind PEGIDA, Lutz Bachmann, with a past as petty criminal and doorman, is an unlikely front man for one of the most successful political initiatives in post-unification Germany. Comparing Breivik and PEGIDA, Önnerfors argues that the ECJM is part of the ‘third generation’ of right-wing discourse that is without a consistent world view, dominant leaders and prolific ideologues. Instead, in a new atmosphere of ‘politics of passion’ and ‘post-politics’, fuzzy ECJM ideology turns into a screen upon which diffuse uneasiness with current political affairs can be projected and channelled. Outside the scope of Önnerfors's article but worth noting is the considerable impact these developments have had on electoral support for right-wing populist parties such as the Front National in France, the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany and the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden.