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961.
台海局势的发展趋势如何?这是目前两岸人民共同关心的问题。从陈水扁在2006年2月27日宣布“终统”及准备“制宪”的讲话来看,我们还不能排除“台独”势力在2008年大选之前铤而走险、孤注一掷的可能性。但是,陈水扁的“搅局”并不能改变台海局势发展的大方向。以2004年底台湾地区“立法院”选举泛蓝胜出和2005年春连战、宋楚瑜等人相继访问大陆为契机,同年年底“三合一”的县市选举泛蓝大胜为标志,“和解———和平———和谐———统一”将是台海局势发展的大方向。这是我们学习孙子关于“不战而屈人之兵”思想后所得出的基本结论。  相似文献   
962.
抗战八年是国民党政权的鼎盛时期。这一时期,国民政府警察机关基本上围绕抗日战争的需要进行机构调整和警务活动,主要是调整中央警察机构及其职能,改编地方警察并增强其活力,加强专业警察工作,强化宪兵、保卫团、特务组织的警察职能。  相似文献   
963.
在对现代性的批判与反思上,沈从文的小说创作契合了西方浪漫主义思潮。他批判都市文明、质疑启蒙运动、反对历史进化论,使他的小说呈现出鲜明的浪漫主义精神特质。他在批判的同时,企图对现代性进行修复与救赎,对人自身、人与人、人与自然的关系作出了不同于中国现代启蒙思想作家的思考与设定,其思想性质属于审美现代性思想体系。  相似文献   
964.
Sir Ronald Sanders 《圆桌》2015,104(5):563-571
Africa has been divided into four groups of states by the European Union in the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that will define the relationship between Africa and Europe in the future. The EPAs are unfair. They demand reciprocity between the EU countries collectively and each African country individually and they set conditions that will be demanded by any other country or groups of countries with which African countries seek trade arrangements. Further, separate EPAs among different groupings of African countries will undermine Africa’s wider integration efforts, leaving it in thrall to EU companies. In their present form the EPAs are not in Africa’s interest and will unnecessarily undermine the potential for Europe’s improved relationship with the continent.  相似文献   
965.
Finland avoided participation in the Great War, but in 1918 fell into a short civil war that culminated in a cycle of vicious terror. The focus of this article is to explain the high incidence of terror during that civil war in comparison with other civil wars that took place in the Baltic region. The violent polarization of Finnish society was triggered as reform expectations skyrocketed at the moment when the country’s institutions were in chaos and its economy in a free fall. Mutual distrust, armed mobilizations, and a sense that time was running out in the arms race were key factors that drove both warring parties to the violent conflict. The author concludes with a discussion of the reintegration of the dissolved state. He frames the conflict within various psychological theories and group behavior in the context of economic possibilities and expectations. The article is based on his own empirical research and on the studies of other scholars on the history of the Finnish Civil War.  相似文献   
966.
Since the 1990s over 158 countries established pro‐market reforms in telecommunications—a fast pace for such a drastic change. For example, Sweden and Botswana, two nations vastly different across multiple dimensions, both liberalized their telecom sectors. Why did so many countries adopt liberal reforms in such a short period of time? Conventional wisdom highlights the role of global markets and technology, powerful states, global diffusion, and domestic politics. I argue that contrary to these claims, diffusion through key international organizations is the critical and overlooked factor in explaining rapid global convergence of pro‐market telecom reforms. Using an original dataset for 189 countries between 1970 and 2003 and event history analysis, I demonstrate that membership in key liberal trading organizations, especially the WTO and the OECD, increases the likelihood that countries will adopt liberal pro‐market reforms in telecommunications. These results speak directly to current public policy debates about the reregulation of global markets and bridges the literatures of policy diffusion, institutional design, and regulatory regimes.  相似文献   
967.
This paper explores the political structures suitable for the realization of John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples (1999). In particular, it explores whether Rawls’ principles and fundamental foundations recommend establishing global institutions and, if so, whether, and in what sense, these institutions should be democratic. It is often suggested, either implicitly or explicitly, that The Law of Peoples would operate through the bilateral and multilateral interactions of, ideally conceived, nation-states. This paper argues, on the contrary, that it would advise a series of democratic global institutions. The case is developed with respect to the idea of a global institution with the remit of regulating international trade and applied, in the contemporary context, to the World Trade Organization (WTO).  相似文献   
968.
This article analyzes the concept of volunteering in the Arab world. The main argument is that the nature of the Arab world in addition to the historical development of civil society directly affected the philosophy of volunteering in the region. Since civic services were not framed nor included in the national agendas of the state, this had a direct negative effect on the development of the act. However, due to social, economic, and political factors, this trend is changing: As of 2000, organizations and societies started to understand the importance of volunteering and its link to the social and economic revival of societies; Arab states started to encourage the act by providing the right legal and political environment. However, these different policies are not building democratic societies nor encouraging civic engagement. The article concludes with recommendations for how to bring people back into civic and political society as well as suggestions for future research.  相似文献   
969.
20世纪三四十年代,陇海铁路修通至宝鸡,便利了与外界的交通往来,也为抗战全面爆发后沦陷区企业和难民内迁宝鸡奠定基础。在外来因素的刺激下,长期处于停滞状态的宝鸡社会经济开始发生显著的变化,在工商业繁荣的同时,传统的封闭社会也逐渐开放。电力作为照明应用于市民日常生活,河南人大量涌入宝鸡改变了当地人口结构并导致河南话成为官方交流语言,妇女也不再局限于家务劳动而进入工厂成为工人,西医医院大量出现扩大了就医范围。  相似文献   
970.
The “Blitz spirit” is a popular story about the British public during the Second World War, uniting together with defiance and resilience to overcome the threat of invasion from Nazi Germany. Previous work has revised this wartime story as a propagandistic construction of national identity and popular memory. Therefore, this paper reviews the Blitz spirit as a myth. A critical discourse analysis (CDA) then examines how this myth was retold in British newspapers after the July 7th bombings in London. I examine how this myth was constructed and the ideological role it played after the attacks. Similar to previous revisions of the Blitz myth from 1940, I argue that social and political complexities after July 7th were often suppressed by messages that sought to evoke a sense of “Britishness” defined by a previous generation. Whilst the July 7th bombings were not a case of traditional warfare or attacks carried out by a foreign force, I argue that wartime analogies often supported military responses in the war on terror and evoked a foreign threat.  相似文献   
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