井冈山时期毛泽东建党思想及其意义

井冈山时期,毛泽东在实践中艰辛探索党的建设问题,并在理论上加以总结。这一时期毛泽东建党思想主要体现在思想建党、组织建党、制度建党与作风建党四个方面。其建党思想对马列主义建党学说作出了重大发展,铸就了中国共产党的优良党风,积累了宝贵的治党经验。     

陕甘宁边区产业工人队伍建设研究

陕甘宁边区开展的产业工人队伍建设,在理论创新和实践探索方面,取得了突破性进展。它不仅为后人留下了宝贵的经验,也有很多值得总结的教训。这对于新时期扩大党的阶级基础、巩固党的执政地位,做好今天的产业工人队伍建设工作具有借鉴意义。     

合同法上难以承受之混乱:围绕检验期间

在德国法、美国法和CISG上,物的检验期间和不适约的通知期间是明确区分的,检验的时间要求是不迟延或者有合理机会;通知的时间要求是不迟延或者合理期间内。CISG上合同保证期间的功能是代替两年的期间,发挥最长通知时间范围的作用。而我国法上,检验期间一方面吸收了通知期间,另一方面又发挥着最长时间范围的作用,在效果上十分严苛;我国的质量保证期干预而非等于最长时间范围,其与检验期间存在时间范围双重干涉的问题。对于《合同法》第158条第一款的检验期间和157条的检验期间,应通过目的论限缩加以区分;对质量保证期与检验期间的时间范围双重干涉问题,应按照合同解释方法排除一个干涉。《买卖合同法解释》的贡献是赋予了法院干预约定检验期间的裁量权,但在提供的解决思路上仍存在重要的不足。     

新时期创新我国行政文化的思考

新时期我国行政文化存在着权力本位观念浓厚、保守守旧作风严重和权力滥用、消极腐败等问题。究其原因,主要是中国古代高度集权制行政模式、官僚主义行政传统和我国原有计划经济体制的影响。要解决这些问题,必须从政府制度、政府形象和政府理念三个方面来创新我国的行政文化。     

中国转型期社会警察权益保护

在中国社会从农业国家向工业国家转型的过程中,社会结构分化复杂,利益冲突和社会矛盾日益激化,社会治安形势异常严峻,警察站在解决冲突的风头浪尖上,时常被携裹进激烈的冲突中,执法权和人身权等权益受到了各方面的侵害。保护警察权益的核心在于塑造人民警察恪守法律、秉公执法、超然于利益的中立形象,这就需要公安机关在处理热点案件时应遵循及时、公开、透明的原则,充分利用网络平台,掌握社会舆论中澄清案件事实的主动权,在与网民的平等互动中,有效维护警察的各项权益。     

春秋时期的刑罚概念

春秋人尚未对刑罚概念的内涵和外延做出严格的界定,当时实际运用的刑罚概念有三种,即：（１）狭义刑罚,（２）广义刑罚,（３）“治民”之刑,可称中义刑罚。     

论战国时期的狱政思想

战国时期各国的政治家、思想家辈出,其中影响最大的是法家。战国时期的狱政思想主要是法家的法治思想。代表人物有商鞅、韩非等人,主要狱政思想为"事断于法","刑无等级","重刑轻罪"等等。战国时期的监狱制定和实施了残酷无比的赤裸裸的酷法严刑,使法家的刑法思想在监狱管理上得到充分体现。     

限制加重原则的公正性研究

大陆法系国家在对有期自由刑进行并罚时,大多采用限制加重原则。但在一般民众看来,有期自由刑并罚采用限制加重原则,只不过是一种权宜的做法,认为它是对法律打折扣,不具有公正性。限制加重理念不仅存在于数罪并罚中,它同样存在于个罪的刑罚分配之中,在有期自由刑并罚时,限制加重不过表现得更直观罢了。     

The birth of the memory of Communism: memorial museums in Europe

This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimate differentia specifica of the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.     

Two post-war paths: popular violence in the Bohemian lands and in Austria in the aftermath of World War I

The study explores the phenomenon of popular violence in the first months and years after the end of World War I on the basis of a comparison between the Bohemian lands, forming the central part of the newly established Czechoslovakia, and Austria, as another successor state to the former Habsburg monarchy. Aside from the continuities, new forms of violence increasingly emerged in the first years after the end of the war, and also the “language” of violence was transformed. While in Czechoslovakia, the framework within which people were learning to understand the new world was shaped by the national and republican discourse oriented to the future, in Austria the collective identities and mentalities were being formed along the lines of particular party political blocks. In both cases, the nationalization and politicization of violence respectively contributed to the emergence of new forms of popular violence; but at the same time they could also be used for its de-escalation, necessary for the re-integration of society disrupted by the wartime experience. However, even if both countries went out from the war on different paths, the violence stayed part of their political culture and it could be mobilized again.