复方益母草冲剂治疗药物流产后出血130例

目的:观察复方益母草冲剂对药物流产后阴道出血的疗效。方法:随机将130例药物流产(药流)的患者分为治疗组(药流后单服复方益母草冲剂),对照组A(药流后服用复方益母草冲剂加缩宫素注射),对照组B(药流后单用缩宫素注射),比较3组药流后阴道出血量和出血时间。结果:治疗组和对照组A两组间的阴道出血量和出血时间无差异(P>0.05),而前两组与对照组B相比,阴道出血量明显减少,出血时间也明显缩短,差异有显著性(P<0.05)。结论:复方益母草冲剂可减少阴道出血量,缩短出血时间,并且不必加用缩宫素。     

致胎儿死伤的刑法评价

国内关于胎儿性致死伤的讨论,往往忽略中外刑法在是否规定堕胎罪问题上的明显差异性;自愿堕胎可谓一种自伤行为不构成犯罪,计生部门依法强制堕胎因存在违法性阻却事由而不构成犯罪;凡是违背孕妇意愿伤害胎儿(未导致孕妇死亡),致胎儿在母体内死亡的,或者在母体内受到重大伤害但经过治疗而没有留下后遗症的,以及在母体内受到严重伤害留下后遗症以致出生后不久死亡或者形成严重残疾的,都是对母体健康生育机能的侵害,故意为之的构成故意伤害罪,过失为之的构成过失致人重伤罪。     

Technics over life: risk,ethics and the existential condition in high-tech antenatal care

The subject of this paper is the problem of selective abortion brought about by advanced techniques of foetal diagnosis. The issue of abortion today is analysed as an outcome and illustration of the emerging ‘vital politics’. The paper explores the technicality of this new form of bio-power, and the ethical practice and forms of subjectivity it imposes. Two main points are raised. First, it is argued that the implementation of state-of-the-art foetal diagnosis in clinical practice and maternity care is underlain by the rationales of control and experimentation. The ideas of risk and the dividual are introduced as the epistemic cornerstones of this practice of high-tech reproductive medicine according to the above rationales. Second, the paper argues that foetal diagnosis in antenatal care is characterised by an ethical split. This emerges when the machinery of reproductive health care withdraws into a position of technical responsibility and leaves the choice, and the ethical responsibility, concerning medical operations (selective abortion, in particular) to the pregnant woman. This suggests that high-tech biomedicine tends to individualise risks and to impose a form of ethical individuality characterised by the demand for reflexivity through personal risk assessment, producing the anxiety generated by existential responsibility.     

PUBLIC OPINION REACTION TO REPEATED EVENTS: Citizen Response to Multiple Supreme Court Abortion Decisions

While numerous works explores how single events or political actions affect public opinion, almost no research explores how this effect evolves with repeated actions. The Conditional Response Model holds that while elite actors can influence and polarize the public when they first act on an issue, subsequent action will not have this same effect. We challenge this model based on its depiction of psychological models of attitude formation and change. Instead of focusing on the number of times an actor has addressed an issue, we argue that the state of public opinion is the key to determining how the public will react to multiple elite actions over a long timeframe. We examine how the public reacted to multiple Supreme Court decisions on abortion. Our results suggest that the Conditional Response Model does a poor job of depicting public opinion and that actors are not limited in their influence by the number of previous actions on an issue.     

Explaining Women's Rights Realignment: Convention Delegates, 1972–1992

Since the early 1970s, the major American parties have moved from general consensus on women's rights issues to sharp polarization. While previous efforts to explain this realignment have identified pieces of the puzzle, these explanations have been generally incomplete and atheoretical. I argue that party positions are determined by the perceived value of specific issue positions for maintaining and expanding the party's coalition of electoral support. Thus, changes in both the composition of the party's coalition and the way the issue is defined and understood can bring about changes in the issue positions adopted by parties. Using the Convention Delegate Studies (1972–1992), this research suggests that both replacement (coalition change) and in the case of Democrats, conversion (caused by issue change) have been important mechanisms for bringing about party realignment on women's rights. This explanation both encompasses causal factors highlighted by previous scholars and points to other important contributing causes.     

The Role of Party Activists in the Evolution of the Abortion Issue

This article examines the role of party activists in the partisan evolution of the abortion issue. Previous research indicates that party elites—specifically members of Congress—and partisans in the mass public have become more differentiated in their abortion attitudes during the last several decades with Democrats becoming more pro-choice and Republicans becoming increasingly pro-life. The missing piece of the picture is the behavior of party activists. Accordingly, this research examines the changes in the abortion attitudes of two groups of party activists during the last three decades: campaign activists and national convention delegates. From 1972 to 1980 there were no significant differences in the abortion attitudes of Republican and Democratic campaign activists, and the mean positions of the two parties' national convention delegates did not differ greatly. However, since 1984 there has been a growing differentiation in the abortion positions of both groups of party activists. Now Democratic activists are consistently pro-choice while Republican activists are equally pro-life. This evidence indicates that the differentiation on the abortion issue that has only recently emerged among partisans in the mass public was predated by an earlier and much more dramatic polarization that had already developed among party activists and elites, thus supporting a model of issue evolution introduced by Carmines and Stimson in their study of racial issues. We also find that citizens' abortion attitudes have become increasingly correlated with party voting not just in presidential elections but also in House, Senate, and gubernatorial contests during this period as well as being more closely related to political ideology. All of this evidence points to the growing extent to which abortion has become a partisan issue in American politics and the key role that party activists have played in this process.     

论教唆犯的停止形态

由于对教唆犯的性质认识的分歧 ,教唆犯的停止形态的成立标准在理论界和实务界均有较大争议。教唆犯的二重性说是目前我国刑法学界的通说观点。逐一对教唆犯的预备、未遂及中止进行探析 ,认为我国《刑法》第 2 9条的规定完全符合这一观点。     

State Abortion Policies,Targeted Regulation of Abortion Provider Laws,and Abortion Demand

Targeted Regulation of Abortion Provider laws (or TRAP laws) are state laws that apply only to abortion providers and impose on them licensing fees, physical plant/personnel regulations, and requirements that exceed those imposed on other comparable health‐care providers or medical facilities. According to prochoice supporters, the explicit or implicit goal of TRAP laws is to drive abortion providers from the market and reduce the supply of abortion services. This paper examines whether a state TRAP licensing fee or a TRAP plant/personnel law also has an independent impact on women's demand for abortion over the period 1982–2005. The empirical results find that neither state TRAP law has a statistically significant independent effect on women's abortion demand. The empirical results remain robust even after controlling for time‐varying factors or the time period after the Supreme Court's landmark 1992 Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey decision.     

刑罚的人道性与审判时自然流产妇女的死刑适用

本文从刑罚人道主义出发 ,认为对审判时自然流产的妇女也以“怀孕的妇女”看待 ,不能适用死刑 ,是我国刑法的进步。     

避孕方法知情选择与人工流产的关系

自开展避孕节育方法的知情选择工作以来,基层干部所面临的一个主要问题就是知情选择是否会影响到人工流产的发生,这个问题限制了部分地区避孕节育方法知情选择工作的开展,直接影响到妇女权利的获得与实现。通过研究发现,在知情选择的起步阶段,人工流产率会有所上升,但通过改善服务质量、促进群众知情之后,人工流产率开始降低。