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11.
Robin Thiers 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):337-357
Global production network (GPN) analysts argue that workers actively contribute to the shaping of GPNs through different forms of agency. In this contribution I extend this argument to the tactical agency of small producers. By focusing on the phenomenon of side-selling among Filipino banana contract farmers, I show that these tactics have contributed to the emergence of alternative trade networks that undermined traditional lead firm behaviour and inspired new struggles over chain governance. However, as a diverse and ambiguous group of growers engages in this tactical agency, predominantly as small capital, they also contribute to the continuation of broader dynamics of capital accumulation and labour exploitation. 相似文献
12.
Harriet Friedmann 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(5):1096-1105
ABSTRACTTeodor Shanin's The Awkward Class helped to launch two immensely important research directions. First, resistance by Russian peasants to modernizing agricultural policies by both Tsarist and Soviet governments opened new questions about collectivization of agriculture, and made Russian history relevant to the study of ‘developing societies.’ Second, the idea of cyclical mobility of peasant households challenged the then widely held assumption that peasants were destined to disappear. Instead of explaining ‘persistence’ of peasants, Shanin explored distinct logics of peasant households and communities. This helped to define a new inter-disciplinary field called peasant studies. 相似文献
13.
Jihan Zakarriya 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(1):198-204
This paper discusses the concept of memory as a form of humanist activism in the autobiographies of Nelson Mandela and Edward Said. Mandela and Said were chosen because they dedicated their lives to the cause of freedom in South Africa and Palestine. Their engagement with the political causes of their countries turned into a concern with worldwide struggles for human rights and racial equality. While Mandela emerged as a vital force against apartheid in South Africa, Said was a well-known and influential Palestinian critic and intellectual whose writings tackle the Palestinian struggle for justice within the worldwide experience of imperialism and its binary oppositions of white/black, male/female, superior/inferior. I argue that these autobiographies bear witness to the plight of Black South Africans and Palestinians as both a shared memory resistant to erasure and a call for justice. Mandela and Said used their personal memories and life stories to construct a public reading of the meanings of the events that shaped them. Here I focus on the concept of humanist and political activity in the two autobiographies. 相似文献
14.
The present research tries to contribute to the academic debate on public management reform adoption, focusing on the reasons for the discrepancies between actual and formal changes and using resistance to change as theoretical basis. The study hypothesizes that high levels of individual and organizational resistance to change may be associated to the formal implementation of public management reforms. The research results allow to confirm the hypothesis when large-size municipalities are considered, while when considering medium-size entities a definite evidence of a relation between resistance to change and the formal implementation of the reforms does not emerge. 相似文献
15.
Joanna R. Quinn 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):55-71
Getting to peace is not a straightforward process. In Uganda, internal conflict has raged for more than 20 years between the
Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The construction of a comprehensive negotiated settlement is at the mercy of conflicting
ideologies and influences at the international, national and grassroots levels. This paper examines the Juba peace talks,
the major actors in the negotiation process, and tension between prosecution and amnesty.
相似文献
Joanna R. QuinnEmail: |
16.
Yunan Xu 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):767-791
In the last two decades, the industrial tree plantation (ITP) sector has expanded rapidly in southern China, causing important changes in land-use and land control. It involves both domestic and transnational corporations, and has provoked widespread conflict and political contestations. The villagers who are affected by the expansion of ITPs have reacted in varied and complex ways: some of the villagers were incorporated in the ITP sector, while others are excluded; some have embraced the change, while others have complaints; and some of the complaints remained latent, while others developed into (overt or covert) forms of resistance. This paper explores how and why various social groups have responded differently to the expansion of ITPs. This paper reveals the dynamics of villagers’ inclusion and exclusion in the ITP sector, covering both ‘passive’ and ‘active’ forms of inclusion and exclusion, resulting in differentiated political reactions from villagers. This paper hopes to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex engagement of villagers in changes in land use and land control, not just in the most commonly studied countries in global land grabbing but inside China, and in transactions that involved large foreign companies, something that has so far been missed in the literature on land grabbing. 相似文献
17.
Wendy Larcombe 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(2):131-148
This article proposes that feminist legal critics need to be able to explain how some rape cases succeed in securing convictions.
The means by which rape cases are routinely disqualified in the criminal justice system have received widespread attention.
It is well established in feminist legal critique that female complainants are discredited if they fail to conform to an archaic
stereotype of the genuine or ‘real’ rape victim. This victim is not only morally and sexually virtuous she is also cautious,
unprovocative, and consistent. Defence tactics for discrediting rape testimony involve exposing the complainant's alleged
failure to comply with the sexual and behavioural standards of the normative victim.
This understanding of how rape complain(an)ts are disqualified is not predictive, however, of the complainants whose cases
succeed in securing convictions. This article reviews some successful Australian rape cases and considers the ways in which
they disturb feminist understandings of how rape complaints are discredited in the criminal justice system. It proposes that
recent research analysing the discourse of rape trials provides a way of explaining the apparent discrepancies between the
‘ideal’ rape victim and successful complainants.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
18.
建立符合我国国情的沉默权制度 总被引:12,自引:0,他引:12
汤啸天 《上海政法学院学报》2000,15(2):28-34
处于被司法机关审查状态的公民 ,可以自主地选择说话或不说话的方式表达其意志。沉默的表示应当视为以不作为的方式与司法机关合作 ,将正常行使沉默权纳入抗拒的范畴是不妥的。我国“坦白从宽 ,抗拒从严”的传统政策应当修正为 :“坦白应当从宽 ,沉默受到保护 ,抗拒必须从严”。正确意义上的“坦白从宽 ,抗拒从严”与沉默权并不矛盾。在保护人权的同时 ,必须强化国家的司法权 ,根据我国的国情 ,对沉默权应当予以必要的限制。当前 ,应当审慎地对刑诉法第93条进行修改 ,明确规定沉默权只能有限行使 相似文献
19.
ABSTRACTWorkers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes. 相似文献
20.
In October and November 1940, the German Military Command which ruled conquered Belgium, introduced a series of measures aimed
at the identification and exclusion of the Jews of that country. The Belgian government of the day refused to allow the measures
to be incorporated into Belgian law, but did permit, under their reading of the Hague Convention, government departments and
local administrations to assist in implementing the German anti-Jewish Decrees. The Brussels Bar, Prosecutors and Court of
Cassation refused to accept the authority of the Occupier to violate basic rights guaranteed under the Belgian Constitution.
Officials in Antwerp, on the other hand, struck all lawyers identified as "Jews" from the Roll. This article examines these
instances of "constitutional patriotism" and "constitutional betrayal" by these actors in the Belgian legal system, and offers
some preliminary discussion of important questions about our historical and current understandings of legality, legitimacy
and citizenship in light of this part of the Belgian experience of law under Nazi occupation.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献