Managing children's and adolescents' medical complaints amid parent conflict: Strategies and tools for professionals

Children and adolescents who are having difficulty coping with stress often present with complaints of physical discomfort. Effective treatment approaches exist for many of these issues. Among high-conflict parents, however, children's medical issues can become another canvas for conflict, with parents focused more on blaming one another for the child's distress than on options for assisting the child. Professionals can be drawn into the conflict to such a degree that they overlook essential steps for addressing and managing these issues. The authors present a research-informed model for managing medical and psychophysiological issues amid parental conflict.     

细菌素在动物疾病防治中的作用和机理研究进展

从细菌素的性质、生产与制备、在动物疾病防治中的作用、抑(杀)菌机理及安全性评价等方面概述了此类由细菌分泌的高效抗菌蛋白类物质的研究进展。认为,细菌素不仅在体外对各种致病菌具有较强的抑杀作用,而且经口服能显著抑制动物胃肠道内的有害菌,腹腔或静脉注射后可防治动物全身性细菌感染,无任何毒害作用,是一类可用于动物疾病防治的理想的抗生素替代品。     

猪场环境中大肠杆菌的耐药性检测及其耐药机理

为探讨猪场环境中大肠杆菌的耐药性及其耐药机理,随机选取从规模养猪场环境中分离的31株大肠杆菌,采用药敏纸片法检测其耐药性、PCR法检测其qnrA和aac(6’)-Ib基因存在状况,然后采用高温-SDS法对其中1株分离菌进行耐药质粒消除试验。结果显示,所分离的31株大肠杆菌对青霉素、四环素、洁霉素、红霉素、罗红霉素等抗生素呈现不同程度的耐药性;在所有试验菌株中未检出qnrA基因,而可检出aac(6’)-Ib基因的有8株;通过对含aac(6’)-Ib基因质粒的消除,分离菌株可获得对氨基糖苷类和喹诺酮类抗生素的敏感性。表明猪场环境中的大肠杆菌对临床常用药物产生了广泛的耐药性,而含aac(6’)-Ib基因质粒可介导环境中的大肠杆菌对氨基糖苷类和喹诺酮类抗生素耐药。     

捻转血矛线虫伊维菌素耐药株P-糖蛋白基因多态性的PCR-RFLP分析

为了解P-糖蛋白基因在捻转血矛线虫伊维菌素耐药株和敏感株间的差异,进一步弄清该基因与伊维菌素耐药性产生的关系,用PCR-RFLP方法分析了捻转血矛线虫伊维菌素耐药株P-糖蛋白基因hcpgp-1的多态性,并对所得序列进行测序。结果表明:捻转血矛线虫伊维菌素敏感株虫体的PCR产物不能被内切酶KpnⅠ切开,而伊维菌素耐药株虫体的PCR产物可被内切酶切开;酶切后统计数据显示,10条敏感虫株全部为敏感纯合子(BB);在所检测的20条伊维菌素耐药性虫株中,抗性纯合子(AA)6个(30%),杂合子(AB)13个(65%),敏感性纯合子(BB)1个(5%)。其中,AB基因型频率最大,为优势基因型,其次为AA型,BB型比例最低。抗性等位基因A为优势基因,其频率为62.5%,敏感等位基因B的频率为37.5%。同源性分析发现,具有抗性的糖蛋白基因hcpgp-1与敏感株的同源性较低,在80.2%～89.3%之间。且发现伊维菌素耐药株hcpgp-1基因序列中,有多处碱基发生了突变。本研究结果为进一步了解P-糖蛋白在捻转血矛线虫伊维菌素耐药性产生中的作用,提供了参考数据。     

Arts,apartheid struggles,and cultural movements

ABSTRACT

This study i) briefly sketches some anti-apartheid arts initiatives of the 1980s; ii) examines the anti-apartheid academic common sense that assumed that “real struggle” could occur only within the labor movement; while iii) both are discussed in relation to early Afrikaner conservative cultural theory. The role of social theory within these sites of resistance is discussed. The article offers a lived methodology by including evocative observations from some social actors who participated in, and contributed to anti-apartheid art, drama and writing. The objective is to draw out debates on struggle rather than to offer a discussion of arts initiatives themselves. These are examined in terms of Albie Sachs’ pleas for discussion beyond the weaponization of art, one that restores the humanity robbed by apartheid.     

A Review of: “Fred Schreier. WMD Proliferation: Reforming the Security Sector to Meet the Threat.”

ABSTRACT

Previous research has argued that political inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of both nonviolent and violent protest. In this study, I focus on civil resistance campaigns and argue that the probability that these large-scale, organized movements will take violent over nonviolent forms increases with the share of a country’s population that is excluded from political power on the basis of ethnic affiliation. I expect this to be so because ethnically exclusive regimes are more likely to counter political demands with violent repression, which increases the cost and decreases the anticipated success of nonviolent relative to violent resistance. I test this proposition in a global sample of countries for the period 1950–2006 and find, first, that high levels of ethnic exclusion make civil resistance campaigns more likely to occur violently than nonviolently. Next, to assess the mechanism at play, I conduct a mediation analysis and show that almost half of the effect of ethnic exclusion on violent campaign onset is mediated by the latent level of violent repression in a country. This result suggests that political authorities’ repressive strategies are key to explaining why regime opponents do not always opt for nonviolent forms of civil resistance.     

Subversive semiotics and ironic anchorage on Vrye Weekblad covers: A visual analysis

Abstract

The apartheid-era Afrikaans press's compliance with apartheid politics and ideology is commonly recognised. This article investigates the newspaper Vrye Weekblad as an exception in this regard. A reading is made of four selected Vrye Weekblad front covers, through a qualitative visual semiotic analysis based on a Barthesian model, in order to describe the covers’ subversive and anti-apartheid tendencies. This analysis reveals that the subversive tendencies at work on the covers represent an open assault on the ruling National Party's (NP) norms and values, especially in terms of the bastions of apartheid Afrikaner nationalism, such as traditional reformed Christian beliefs, symbols of Afrikaner patriotism, concepts of racial purity and white ethnic superiority. The myths present on these covers, while functioning to undermine dominant ideologies, also naturalise an ideology of Vrye Weekblad's own, by creating alternative myths of a critical disposition towards the NP government. The subversive encoding of these covers stems from an ironic tension in anchorage between the conventional connotations associated with the cover images and their accompanying text, which undermine the dominant meanings of the images. This article seeks to contribute a theorisation of this ironic anchorage as a mode of encodification within the broader context of mythical representational practices. The author proposes that as these Vrye Weekblad covers were published under much the same uncertain circumstances as are experienced today with the African National Congress's (ANC) looming Protection of Information Bill and Media Appeals Tribunal, one might see the same occurrence of subversion through ironic anchorage in the contemporary South African media.     

Speaking through the body: detention and bodily resistance in Italy

This work reflects on the character of the modalities that non-status migrants are deploying in the context of current politics of the camp, with special attention to the Italian context. It will suggest that once the possibilities of dissent through the voice (the political tool par excellence in a liberal democracy, and one associated primarily with rationality and the capacity for reason) are foreclosed, migrants tend to resort to another powerful tool: their own body. Detainees have made their bodies speak by resorting to practices of self-mutilation, hunger strike, suicide attempts, and lips and eyes sewing. Detainees' violent acts of dissent are not dissimilar from the violent modalities used, a few centuries earlier, by some enslaved people who chose liberty through death. The aim is not so much to make comparison between the two figures, but to emphasise the way in which, under conditions of extreme control, subjugation or unfreedom, acts of dissent and resistance – and thus acts of politics, as articulated in Rancière's concept of dissensus – are not necessarily enacted through democratic practices but, on the contrary, through whatever modalities are available to them, including violent (self-harm) modalities.     

对防范“献身式抵抗运动”的思考——以“校长开房案”举牌事件为例

"献身式抵抗运动"是一种新型网络集群行为,其区别于传统集群行为的炒作性给公安机关带来了巨大挑战,给社会稳定带来了巨大隐患,因此这类运动应引起公安机关高度重视,并根据不同阶段的特点采取相应的应对措施。     

芪丹通脉片对健康犬冠状动脉血流量及阻力影响

目的：观察复方中药制剂芪丹通脉片对健康犬心脏冠状动脉血流量及阻力的影响,方法：分离犬的冠状动物左旋支及主动脉根部,放置电磁流量计探头,测定不同药物在给药前后不同时刻碱诉冠状动脉血流量,计算冠状动脉阻力。结果：芪丹通脉片高剂量（生药2g/kg)能明显增加冠状动脉血流量,减少冠状动脉阻力,结论：芪丹通脉片能够增加冠状动脉血流量,调整和改善心肌供血,为缺血性心脏病的治疗提供了实验论据。