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171.
中国共产党提出的社会主义和谐社会理论,是中国共产党对马克思主义的再认识。和谐社会理论反映了时代要求和中心任务的需要;反映了社会主义建设实践的需要。因此,我们应进一步加强和改进新时期思想政治工作,科学定位,重新构建工作内容,努力探索新的工作方法,使政治思想教育更好地在经济建设中发挥其服务保证作用。  相似文献   
172.
This article aims to explain the causes and meaning of the formal split of the Islamic Movement in Israel into two factions—following the decision to participate in the elections to the fourteenth Knesset (Israeli parliament) on May 29, 1996—while locating these in a larger theoretical framework. This split resulted from a delicate combination of doctrinal-ideological controversies relating to secular electoral competition and historical-political-tactical controversies that are rooted in the Israeli-Palestinian context. Specifically, the split of the Islamic Movement in Israel derived from two interpretations of the Islamic belief: a more literal or concrete interpretation and a more abstract one.  相似文献   
173.
李大钊早期政治思想的形成和发展是与民国初年中国政治的演变密切联系的。1912年成立的中华民国确立了共和体制,是中国代议制政治的开端,为中国政党政治的推行创造了条件。在此前提下,李大钊就民国的政治建设走上政治现代化的轨道、发展和完善代议制政治、实现真正的政党政治、推进政治民主化等一系列问题作了深刻的思考,从而形成了富有特色的早期民主政治思想。  相似文献   
174.
Engineering elections through gender quotas is a crucial component of strategies that seek to empower women through increased participation in the political system. In the south Indian state of Karnataka, this experiment has seen mixed results: it has made women more visible, decreased levels of corruption in Panchayati Raj institutions, and increased self-efficiency of women representatives. It is more difficult, however, to claim a substantive change in institutional priorities and state accountability. As important is the fact that nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) often provide significant training and support in successful cases. Engineering elections thus highlights possibilities for change through increased participation by women.  相似文献   
175.
和谐社会的目标已经成为当前中国社会的共识,在此前提下,如何切实推进这一进程就成为最重要的议题。在我国,政治发展与和谐社会能否顺利构建之间有着极大的内在关联性。政治发展既是和谐社会构建的动力之源,又是和谐社会实现的基本前提条件。  相似文献   
176.
新中国成立以来,中国共产党对中国国家权力的执掌方式经历了众多变化,从国家、政党、社会三者关系的角度分析党的执政方式,可以把中国共产党执政方式的变迁划分为两个重要阶段:新中国成立到改革开放、改革开放以后。面对新的国内外形势,从国家、政党、社会三者"应然"与"实然"关系逻辑看,中国共产党仍须继续调整执政方式,在"科学执政、民主执政、依法执政"的轨道上不断探索。  相似文献   
177.
论执政党运行机制创新与党的执政能力提高   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
执政党在执政过程中,对外要处理好执政党与国家政权机构的关系,对内要处理好党内各级组织之间及与党员之间的关系,这些对内、对外运行机制,即执政党运行机制。执政党运行机制是执政能力的实现形式和实践依托,是执政能力在实践中的具体体现。执政党运行机制创新是提升党的执政能力的重要途径。  相似文献   
178.
This article outlines the rise and fall of the ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the West’ (Pegida), a right‐wing populist street movement that originated in the city of Dresden in October 2014 and peaked in January 2015. The Pegida movement combined fear of ‘Islamisation’ with general criticism of Germany's political class and the mainstream media. This ambivalent and largely undefined political profile proved its strength in mobilising a significant minority of right‐wing citizens in the local context of Dresden and the federal state of Saxony, but generally failed to spill over to other parts of Germany. The social profile of the Pegida movement, which included ‘ordinary citizens’ with centre‐right to far‐right attitudes, points to significant overlap between general disenchantment of the political centre ground in Germany with the political system, as outlined in recent sociological research, and the ability of a largely leaderless populism to mobilise in the streets.  相似文献   
179.
Legislators claim that how they explain their votes matters as much as or more than the roll calls themselves. However, few studies have systematically examined legislators’ explanations and citizen attitudes in response to these explanations. We theorize that legislators strategically tailor explanations to constituents in order to compensate for policy choices that are incongruent with constituent preferences, and to reinforce policy choices that are congruent. We conduct a within‐subjects field experiment using U.S. senators as subjects to test this hypothesis. We then conduct a between‐subjects survey experiment of ordinary people to see how they react to the explanatory strategies used by senators in the field experiment. We find that most senators tailor their explanations to their audiences, and that these tailored explanations are effective at currying support—especially among people who disagree with the legislators’ roll‐call positions.  相似文献   
180.
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