试论交警队伍政治建警,科技强警的内涵及途径

当前,道路交通已成为促进国民经济发展的重要因素。道路交通管理和交警队伍建设,也倍受各级领导、社会各界的关注。要搞好道路交通管理的关键是交警队伍建设。而搞好交警队伍建设,必须以政治建警为前提,以科技强警为手段。     

论国际政治中的中国软实力三要素

中国特色社会主义制度的生命力、中华文化的感召力和吸引力、独立自主和平外交的国际影响力是我国重要的软实力。制度、文化、外交 (行为 )三位一体 ,紧密联系。社会制度是核心 ,文化是支撑 ,外交是手段 ,构成了我国对外政治斗争的强大力量 ,对当前国际政治产生了积极而深远的影响。我们的国际政治战略是 ,维护我国的社会主义制度 ,推动中华文化走向世界 ,以中华文化为支撑 ,充分施展外交手段 ,最大限度地实现我国的国家权益。     

村民委员会组织法的缺陷及其完善

:村民自治是建设有中国特色社会主义民主政治的伟大实践。作为村民自治规范化、制度化法律依据的村民委员会组织法 ,在“两委”关系界定、乡镇干预村民自治应承担的法律责任、村民大会机构的设立、村干部职务终身制的废除等主要方面存在明显的缺陷 ,这些缺陷制约着村民自治的深入和农村民主政治的发展 ,亟需在实践中不断完善     

论十六大的主旨与宪政的发展

十六大所确立的主题和基本内容 ,为建设以民主政治为核心的宪政国家指引了方向。十六大报告的主旨将在六个方面对宪政的发展产生影响 :小康社会初步奠定宪政的社会基础 ;扩大基层民主是宪政建设的立足点 ;完善财产制是对宪政经济基础的巩固 ;对权力的制约和监督以及推进司法体制改革是宪政必备的两个要素 ;解决“三农”问题和深化分配制度改革是宪政实施的社会环境保障。     

社会主义民主政治、政治文明与依法治国

党的十六大报告关于“发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标” 的科学论断,深刻揭示了社会主义民主政治、社会主义政治文明与依法治国的内在联系。在我国全面建设小康社会的伟大实践中发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来,坚持中国特色社会主义政治建设和政治体制改革的发展方向。     

经济全球化对国内区域发展的影响

区域发展差距在中国是一个长期存在的问题,区域发展差距过大会威胁社会的稳定和国家统一。经济全球化既有利于我国的经济发展,也加大了我国国内地区发展的差距。由于国际环境中存在分裂势力,经济全球化也给我国的政治稳定和国家统一带来威胁。解决问题的思路是加快西部民族地区的经济发展和政治发展,缩小其与发达地区的差距,同时强化中央对边远民族地区的控制。     

转型期中国公共领导体制变革与廉政建设

腐败与反腐败是社会政治生活中的一个永恒主题。腐败的存在与公共权力密切相关,作为公共权力运作的核心性规范,公共领导体制直接规定着高层领导者运用权力的方式,影响着社会的腐败与反腐败活动。伴随着社会发展,中国公共领导体制开始现代化转型,从传统型权威和个人魅力型权威向法理型权威转换,其反腐败方略也相应地从注重思想教育和社会运动转向注重制度约束。与此相适应,必须深化公共领导体制改革,以制度创新根治腐败,包括:进行良好的宪政分权,发展直接民主;引入政治竞争,实行政务公开;转变政府职能,推动行政体制改革,规范政府行为;强化监督机制和惩罚机制;加强思想教育和道德约束,提高政府官员的廉洁自律度,等等。     

Acts of Faith: Churches and Political Engagement

Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King's method of ecological inference to two elections in Alabama supports the second.     

Corporate interests and public affairs: organised business–government relations in EU member states

The internationalisation of economic and political affairs changes the way in which business interests are brought to bear on public policy. This is a global phenomenon but can, in particular, be observed in Europe. The construction of the European Union, the development of the Single Market and the build‐up of the policy institutions to go with it, together change business–government relations profoundly. This paper answers the question of how organised business interests relate to government agencies and political institutions. By using the example of trade associations in the Netherlands and Germany, the paper shows that, despite the internationalisation of public affairs in Europe, the national political level remains strategically important for the representation of business interests. The paper thus argues that changes in European business–government relations are institutionally embedded at both the European and the national level. The implication for future research is that much of the dynamics of economic and political internationalisation materialises within the domestic arrangements of interest politics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Mexicans react to electoral fraud and political corruption: an assessment of public opinion and voting behavior

Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995.