攻防态势与政治联合的最佳规模

赖克认为,在零和游戏中,政治联合会自动生成能够确保获胜的最小规模,即政治联合的最佳规模,但这一理论很难解释1991年海湾战争和2003年伊拉克战争期间美国领导的政治联合在规模上存在的巨大差异。本文认为,攻防态势与政治联合的规模之间存在重要联系。防御型政治联合旨在制衡威胁,政治联合背后的基本逻辑是威胁平衡,政治联合的规模一般较大;进攻型政治联合多是为了追逐利益,其构建的内在逻辑是利益平衡,政治联合的规模一般较小。     

我国量刑程序的构建——以英美量刑程序为视角的分析

量刑不均衡是我国刑事司法实践中面临的一个普遍问题。量刑程序相对独立于定罪程序,有利于被告人辩护权的实现,并形成对法官自由裁量权的制约,实现量刑的一致性。英美两国独立的量刑程序对我国量刑程序的构建有重要的借鉴价值,但在我国有效的案件分流机制未形成的情况下,构建相对独立的量刑模式是理性的选择。     

A Multi-Theoretical Framework to Assess Gendered Stalking Victimization: The Utility of Self-Control,Social Learning,and Control Balance Theories

Despite recent advancements in the criminological study of stalking, few theoretical tests have been conducted to date to explain stalking victimization among men and women separately. The current study individually and simultaneously extends three criminological theories to the study of stalking victimization: self-control, social learning, and control balance theories. Among a sample of 2,766 university students, a series of models were estimated for men and women separately to assess each set of theoretical variables net of control variables. Results reveal consistent significant positive relationships between stalking victimization and low self-control for men; differential peer association (e.g. friends are stalking victims) for men and women; and several social learning variables for only women. However, the control imbalance variables do not explain stalking victimization among men or women, net of other theoretical and control variables. The utility of a multi-theoretical approach to future stalking victimization research is discussed.     

由“许霆案”看罪刑均衡

“许霆案”的出现一时间引起了社会公众的广泛关注。许霆盗取ATM机的行为是否构成盗窃罪以及量刑是否科学、公正,成为本案的焦点。根据罪刑法定原则,许霆的行为符合盗窃罪的规定,但根据罪刑均衡原则,法院对许霆的量刑不免失之过重。由此反映出我国罪刑均衡原则在立法与司法中存在着解释不均衡、体系不均衡等问题,因此,需要对罪刑均衡原则重新进行审视,以避免类似“许霆案”的再次发生。     

由“许霆案”看罪刑均衡

"许霆案"的出现一时间引起了社会公众的广泛关注。许霆盗取ATM机的行为是否构成盗窃罪以及量刑是否科学、公正,成为本案的焦点。根据罪刑法定原则,许霆的行为符合盗窃罪的规定,但根据罪刑均衡原则,法院对许霆的量刑不免失之过重,由此反映出我国罪刑均衡原则在立法与司法中存在着解释不均衡、体系不均衡等问题。     

论公司对外担保合同的效力——兼评《公司法》第149条第3款

《公司法》第16条与第122条均不属于效力性规范,仅是公司的内部管理规范。除非公司证明债权人知道或者应当知晓公司董事违反公司章程的情况下还接受公司的对外担保,否则公司的对外担保行为有效;若公司章程未就对外担保事项作规定,应将对外担保作为董事会的决议事项,使担保权人、公司、公司自身的债权人以及公司中小股东的利益能够获得适当的平衡。在对外担保合同无效时,《担保法》及其司法解释过于注重对债权人的保障而忽略了对公司利益的维护,有必要予以适当修正。     

重审三权分立的权力制衡价值——从理论解构到实践考证

三权分立能实现权力制衡是分权理论标榜的基本价值。对于三权分立能否实现制衡,可以从理论到历史去分析。从理论上讲,由于三权分立的边界是由宪法划分的,三权划分需要明确的宪法条文标准,而宪法文本的不确定性使之成为难题,按照分权理论的逻辑,分权也可能导致专制的出现,这是三权分立理论的悖论,另外,在历史的实践当中,也没有出现过分权理论所期望的三权制衡,三权分立和议行合一都是权力配置的手段,仅是国家权力的组织形式,关键是看那种形式更能实现社会各种利益的平衡。     

“引异议登记制度入股权登记领域”的初探

随着市场经济的迅速发展,‘一股多转’案件屡见不鲜。‘一股多转’具有存在空间的根本原因在于股权转让的完成与股权变更的登记具有时间差,这种时间差难以消除的特性决定了难以从根本上杜绝‘一股多转’行为。引异议登记制度入股权登记领域,对现有制度进行补充,以破除公信力,使得第三人不能主张善意信赖而取得股权,从而保护原受让股东利益或许是一条可行的路径;而这条路径的构建亦是契合了利益平衡的理念。     

Political Fragmentation and Fiscal Status: Evidence from Municipalities in Israel

Abstract

This article analyses the link between fiscal balance and political fragmentation. While a large body of literature states that political fragmentation leads to fiscal deficits, others suggest that political fragmentation is associated with political competition, which tends to improve fiscal balance. These hypotheses are tested using budgetary and political data of municipalities in Israel for the years 1998–2006. The results suggest that both hypotheses may be correct, depending on voting behaviour. In Arab municipalities, where residents vote according to clan affiliation, low levels of political fragmentation are associated with large debts. On the contrary, in Jewish municipalities, low levels of political fragmentation are associated with small debts, since in these cases, coalition formation requires less spending and is easier to sustain.     

Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or Informed Policymaking?

Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption, UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of female peacekeepers during the decade 2000–2010 and variation in the distribution patterns of female military personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement. Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing countries, which might not have bought into the gender balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most needed—where sexual violence and gender equity has been a major problem—and we find only a modest effect of having specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.