企业形象广告不正当竞争性分析

企业形象广告是一种独立的广告类型,若其被滥用则会对消费者权益和市场竞争秩序造成损害。作为商业性表述的企业形象广告如果包含虚假宣传内容,其效果类似于虚假的产品广告,可以用《反不正当竞争法》有关规定加以规制。作为非商业性表述的企业形象广告如果包含误导性内容,虽不构成虚假广告,但同样具有一定的危害性,可以用一般条款对其进行调整。     

Candidate appearance in campaign advertisements

Many scholars have examined the nature of campaign advertising strategy across differing contexts in U.S. elections. Little attention has been devoted to exploring the incentives that candidates face to appear — or not — in their own advertisements. We argue that candidates should seek to distance themselves from potential backlash stemming from more negative messages by not appearing in negative ads. We also expect that candidates should be more likely to appear in advertisements aired during primary elections relative to general elections because candidates should use ads in this election stage to introduce themselves to voters. Furthermore, incumbents should be less likely to appear in ads than other candidates because their constituents should not need to be introduced to them. Data on candidate-sponsored television advertisements collected across four years for four different offices provides support for our expectations and suggests that candidates make strategic decisions about when to appear in advertisements.     

试论网络公关与网络广告的共存与融合

随着网络公关的兴起 ,在一阵盲目跟风之后暴露出来了一些问题 ,主要有对网络公关认识不清以及将网络公关和网络广告相混淆等。网络公关和网络广告这两种网络营销行为是既有区别又有联系的 ,还可在共存关系中融合发展     

How to Win the UK Referendum on the European Constitution

Opinion polls suggest the UK Government faces an uphill task in winning the forthcoming referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty. This article provides a detailed analysis of the factors that are likely to decide the referendum outcome. Using recent survey data, we analyze the factors that influence individual-level support for the Constitutional Treaty. These results show that it is not only general attitudes towards European integration which are likely to play an important role, but also partisanship and satisfaction with the government. Given the low levels of information about the Constitution and the large number of undecided voters, the campaign itself will be crucial to the outcome. We argue that while information alone will not necessarily persuade voters, a successful campaign strategy by the yes-camp could make a decisive difference by motivating and informing voters, as well as setting the agenda for the debate.     

What have public affairs and advertising got in common?

The author argues that to be successful companies need to adopt a stakeholder view of how they interact with society—in short their communications need to be integrated. Rather than focusing purely on their consumer markets, advertisers should be aware of the impact of their messages on public opinion, pressure groups, politicians and others that make up the ‘political market’. Equally, public affairs practitioners should be more involved in the commercial activities of their colleagues in advertising and marketing. Integrated communications, in the author's view, is not only an operational necessity for companies, but a strategic imperative for sustainable success in a global world with differing local expectations. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications.     

英语广告文体中的隐喻

文体的功能决定着隐喻的个性。广告隐喻不仅具有一般语言学上的认知意义，并且直接服务于广告交际目的，影响整个广告的效果。英语广告文体中的隐喻对于广告的作用还反映在它的类型分布特点与翻译体现的交际制约方面。应用文体的认知研究不仅要关注文体语言间的共性，更需关注文体的个性形成。     

The Impact of Television in Bulgaria on the Electoral Process and Voting Behavior

After 45 years of communism, Bulgaria held its first democratic elections in May 1990, following an interparty coup that had ended the totalitarian rule in November 1989. A new Bulgarian Constitution was adopted in 1991. During the following years of transition to democracy, a normal political environment was gradually established. Among the major achievements during this period were that the country joined NATO in spring 2004 and entered the European Union in January 2007. During this period of transition to a democratic political system and marketplace economy, the processes of decentralization, liberalization, and privatization led to a completely new media landscape with strong social impact. The past two decades have witnessed five presidential (1992, 1996, 2001, 2006, and 2011), seven parliamentary (1990, 1991, 1994, 1997, 2001, 2005, and 2009), six local (1991, 1995, 1999, 2003, 2007, and 2011), and two European parliamentary elections (2007 and 2009) and the appointment of twelve governments in Bulgaria. The main objective of the proposed paper is to present the impact of media and, in particular, of television on the democratization developments in the country.     

Advances in the Study of Political Advertising

One of the biggest recent advances in the study of political advertising has been the availability of systematic sources of data on when and where ads air—and their content. In this piece, we review the various data sources that scholars have used to study political advertising, focusing on their strengths and weaknesses. We then discuss recent studies that have employed data on political advertising to examine the effects of ad exposure on citizens' attitudes and political behaviors, how the content of advertising varies, and how ads have been targeted in recent political campaigns. We follow that with our own empirical contribution—an analysis of trends in advertising content, including negativity and policy focus—over the past 16 years.     

Campaigning in a Direct Democracy: Three Case Studies

This research note focuses on Switzerland's relationship with the EU, and the role direct democracy plays in this relationship. Specifically, the research question asked is whether behaviour on the part of the campaigners can be understood through the lens of Riker's so‐called dominance principle: “when one side successfully wins the argument on an issue, the other side ceases to discuss it” (Riker 1993: 81). One corollary of the dominance principle is that there will tend to be a concentration on a smaller and smaller number of arguments over the course of a campaign, because campaigners are induced to focus on a small subset of issues, their “winning issues”. On the basis of a data set consisting of campaign advertisements appearing in Swiss newspapers in the four‐week periods before the EU‐related 1992, 2000 and 2001 votes, the analysis actually shows little evidence of any concentration of arguments. The research note concludes by considering some implication of this for Swiss direct democracy.