Mobilising support when the stakes are high: Mass emails affect constituent-to-legislator lobbying

Mass emails are frequently used by advocacy groups to mobilise supporters to lobby legislators. But how effective are they at inducing constituent-to-legislator lobbying when the stakes are high? We test the efficacy of a large-scale email campaign conducted by the UK's main anti-Brexit organisation. In 2019, the group prominently displayed a ‘Write to your MP’ tool on their website and assigned 119,362 supporters represented by legislators with incongruent views to one of four email messages encouraging them to write to their MP or a control condition (no email). Messages varied across two factors: whether the MP's incongruent position was highlighted, and if urgency was emphasised. We find that 3.4 per cent of treatment subjects contacted their representative, compared to 0.1 per cent of those in the control, representing an additional 3,344 emails sent to MPs. We show that there was no substitution away from the most frequently used online legislator contact platform in the United Kingdom. While, on average, position and urgency cues had no marginal effects above the standard email, the most engaged supporters were more mobilised when informed that their MP held incongruent views. This study shows that advocacy groups can use low-cost communication techniques to mobilise supporters to lobby representatives when the stakes are high.     

Caricaturing “traitors”: Communal reactions to indigenous collaboration in Japanese-occupied Korea

Under foreign rule, indigenous collaborators pose a serious challenge that betrays the trust and faith of their compatriots with whom they have long shared experiences. This being the case, the question arises concerning how the occupied define “betrayal” and execute their sense of morality and justice against those considered as switching allegiance from being their fellow nationals to being considered as outsiders. For this analysis, I investigate the practice of the Korean news media under Japanese colonial rule, developing the concept of verbal caricature. I find that the indigenous media create outrageous verbal images of collaborators: (1) sinners, (2) pawns, and (3) criminals. By exploring the media's social justice under political constraint, this project contributes to the accumulation of knowledge on the unique practices of deviance-making, prompting a dialog between the two isolated research realms – social deviance and foreign occupation.     

What About Winning? Looking into the Blind Spot of the Theory of Campaign Professionalization

The international literature on campaign professionalization suggests that election campaigning has become increasingly slick and professional in recent decades. But while significant attention has been paid to changing campaign tools and tactics, one critical question has been consistently overlooked: Do professionalized campaigners perform better at the ballot box? This question should be a critical one for campaign scholars, yet the existing literature is almost entirely silent on the relationship between campaign professionalization and electoral outcomes. This paper reviews the existing literature for clues about how professionalized campaigning may help or hinder electoral performance and draws on recent research using Gibson and Rommele's (2009 Gibson , R. , and A. Rommele . ( 2009 ). Measuring the professionalization of political campaigning . Party Politics , 15 ( 3 ), 265 – 293 .[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) CAMPROF Index to identify avenues for further research on this under-examined topic.     

论新闻媒体侵害隐私权的法律救济方式

随着人们生活方式的多元化,隐私及隐私权成为人们关注的话题。然而,以新闻自由权利为依托的新闻媒体在社会生活中的作用及其带来的影响越来越大。新闻自由的重要价值在于维护公共利益,而隐私权则强调个体权利,因此在行使这两种权利的过程中必然产生矛盾和冲突。因此,如何在两者的博弈中找到良好的契合点,既能发挥新闻媒体在现今社会中的重要作用、又能保障个人的隐私权已成为立法和司法的当务之急。     

新闻自由权在新闻立法中的地位及其保障

对新闻自由权的保障包括对其合理边界的确定和对边界内权利的切实保护。新闻自由权的合理保障是我国新闻立法中的核心问题。我国对新闻自由权的保障应当加强。我们应在新闻法律体系的完善过程中,尤其是在新闻立法中更好地保障新闻自由权。     

新世纪公安新闻传播的人文精神

新世纪公安新闻传播的人文精神在于其正义性，激浊扬清，扬善惩恶，以及对弱势群体的关怀与保护；公安新闻传播的人文精神还在于其为人民群众提供有效服务．合理地满足人民群众的知情权，以及其平民性与亲和性。新世纪公安新闻传播强调人文精神，要把实现最广大人民的根本利益作为出发点和落脚点，始终坚持尊重人、理解人、关。人。进一步加大公平公正、诚信友爱的传播力度，使正义与和谐的理念成为全警全社会的重要价值取向。     

Reforming campaign finance in the nineties: a case study of Spain

This paper analyzes the reforms of the Spanish electoral finance regulatory system during the nineties. We present a number of indexes to measure the impact of the reforms on parties and campaign spending. We also suggest a game theoretical model to explain why the two main parties agreed to support the legal changes in the nineties. A principal outcome of the reforms was to establish an effective limit to campaign expenses. In our view this would have not been feasible in the late seventies or eighties. Then the parties were trapped in a prisoner’s dilemma in which each party had to spend more in order to prevent other parties from gaining electoral advantage. But in the nineties the main parties, ridden with problems of soaring electoral debts and disgruntled voters, used the reform of political finance as a coordination device to achieve a Pareto efficient equilibrium.     

论外交调研报告和其他相关文体的异同

比较外交调研报告与普通调查报告、学术论文、新闻报道或评论的异同,重在凸显外交调研报告的写作特色和要领;目的在于帮助外交工作人员加深对外交调研报告的理解和认识,为初学外交调研报告写作的人奠定必要的写作理论基础。     

新闻战线延安精神的历史底蕴——延安《解放日报》改版意义探析

延安时期《解放日报》的改版，使中国共产党新闻事业的新闻传播体制、话语修辞、叙述结构等初步成熟，使党报工作达到了一个新的高度，并为我国无产阶级新闻理论作出了突出的贡献。其核心为：从一张不完全党性的报纸变为完全党陛、密切联系群众、自上而下的全党办报，这就是新闻战线延安精神的集中表现。历史走到今天，许多条件和要素已经发生变迁，如何实事求是地学习、继承而不是僵化地教条地照搬，这正是延安精神的真谛。     

It’s Not the Media,Stupid

It is commonly believed that the general public is heavily dependent on the media for its political news and views and that, as a consequence, the media exercise a strong influence over public opinion and behaviour. However, many millions in the Western world strongly believe things that are barely ever mentioned in the mainstream media, just as many millions also firmly reject or ignore some of the messages that are repeated incessantly by them. This confirms sixty years of experimental psychology research showing that most individuals are capable of preserving their beliefs, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, argument and logic to the contrary. Consistent with this, political science research finds little evidence of strong media influence on the party voting, political attitudes and election agendas of citizens. They have their own ways of gathering political information about the world around them, and they do not necessarily believe what they read in the papers, unless they are so inclined to start with. Consequently, media influences on mass opinion and behaviour are weaker than commonly assumed and, such as they are, their effects are more beneficial than harmful for democracy.