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341.
犯罪嫌疑人享有公民应该享有的一切权利,包括名誉权。因此新闻对其的报道应该是有限度的报道,即既要谴责其犯罪行为,又不能侵犯其享有的正当权利。作为新闻报道的对象,其报道价值表现在可以形成一种揭露、威慑和防范犯罪的舆论氛围,以打击和防范犯罪,形成对社会犯罪予以舆论控制的态势;对于公众而言,认清犯罪的本质,从心理上产生一种排斥感,达到预防犯罪的目的。基于报道原则和报道价值的考虑,新闻对犯罪嫌疑人的报道方式为现场报道、非现场报道和批注式报道。  相似文献   
342.
实践证明,公安思想政治工作是严打整治斗争的重要生命线,是夺取这场斗争胜利的法宝.从这样一个观点出发,我们大力改进思想教育机制、改进队伍管理机制、教育训练机制和干部管理机制,充分发挥了公安思想政治工作的功能作用,保证了严打整治斗争的全面胜利.  相似文献   
343.
再论"严打"的属性定位与价值分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
“严打”作为一种颇具中国特色的“非常刑事策略”,自1983年至今,在打击严重刑事犯罪,维护社会治安方面功不可没。“严打”首先体现的是一种“重典治乱”,同时也发挥了刑罚对犯罪的预防功能。“严打”的现实意义在于迅速遏制犯罪势头,其长远价值在于建立起一种严格的执法环境,树立起严格执法、公正执法的价值理念。在现阶段,开展“严打”斗争仍具有现实意义,但要处理好效益与程序的正义之间的关系。  相似文献   
344.
因新闻舆论监督而引发的侵权案件呈不断上升的趋势。新闻舆论监督侵权产生的原因主要有新闻事实与法律事实的矛盾、事实和报道之间的矛盾两个方面,要预防侵权行为的发生,应多方着手,特别应注意增强审核意识、法律意识和证据意识。  相似文献   
345.
We offer a theory to identify the determinants of presidential campaign rhetoric related to the federal budget. The theory builds on the literature dealing with issue ownership, candidate strategy, retrospective voting, and voter preferences to generate eight hypotheses about the use of budget rhetoric. To test these hypotheses, over 800 campaign speeches from the major party presidential nominees from 1952 to 2000 are content analyzed. The content analysis generates measures of both the volume and tone of budget rhetoric. Volume is driven primarily by the objective balance of the budget and subjective importance given to it by voters and a conditional effect involving budget balance, incumbency, and partisanship. Tone is more complex, with positive rhetoric determined mostly by the budget balance and partisanship and overstated rhetoric shaped solely by the salience of the budget to the electorate. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.  相似文献   
346.
ABSTRACT

Much has been written about the specific way in which the Russian government under President Vladimir V. Putin uses television to propagate pro-government views on domestic and international politics by influencing what is aired. This paper examines the first season of The Great Game (Bol’shaya Igra in Russian), a television talk show that appears on Russia’s national television network Channel One, as an example of the government’s effort to shape public opinion. A content analysis suggests The Great Game differs from the typical Russian talk show genre in that it delivers political messages without much entertainment, providing cerebral discussions of issues that nonetheless back up all nine of the core “neoconservative” concepts underlying recent Russian political strategy. This suggests that the Russian government and television executives innovate to determine how best to use television to win over skeptical citizens to the Kremlin’s point of view.  相似文献   
347.
ABSTRACT

The present article is part of a broader effort to understand and analyse the relationship between formal and informal norms and institutions in the Balkans. Free and fair elections are a central component of any functioning democracy and, in the case of Albania, an essential element of its EU accession process. Elections can also be affected by political clientelism, which puts their outcomes’ credibility into question. Political clientelism is a principal sector of informal relations and practices and informal and/or illegal funding of electoral campaigns are identified as its key mechanisms. This article addresses a number of issues related to clientelist practices and private funding of electoral campaigns, focusing on the general parliamentary elections of June 2017. The main research question investigates the ways in which private funding of electoral campaigns works in practice. Based on data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, reports on the electoral process, and other secondary sources, we argue that informal clientelist practices permeating private funding of electoral campaigns enable political parties to further and strengthen clientelist relations and to influence the electoral result.  相似文献   
348.
ABSTRACT

The proliferation of fake news and of conspiracy theories has coincided with the emergence of the digital media. Although the extensive distribution of misinformation is nothing new, the emergence of online media proved to be especially fertile for conspiratorial populists in transmitting distorted information. Since 2016, conspiracy theories, disguised as news, have spread like a snowstorm across the political scene on both sides of the Atlantic. As I discuss in this paper, this climate has enabled conspiratorial populists to be especially successful in spreading suspicion of established knowledge, which they claim to have been produced by the elite and which is eschewed for its association with the powerful. Alongside the diminished gatekeeping capabilities of the mainstream media, it thus becomes ever more difficult for people to distinguish between factual stories and fictitious news often spread via unscrupulous websites, as both can be presented in the same guise.  相似文献   
349.
非事件性新闻的论争由来已久.新闻改革的深入,使得论争已逐渐由理论层面波及实践层面.“非事件性新闻”本身提法欠妥;其实质是一种与客观报道相对应的理性报道方式;这种报道方式应坚持“理附于事”的报道原则;与客观报道相比,对其时效性要求应有所宽容.  相似文献   
350.
Recent work has explored how individual and institutional factors affect the gap in perceptions of political legitimacy between electoral winners and electoral losers, but has ignored the role that the political information environment, in general, and ideologically biased media, in particular, plays in exacerbating or diminishing this gap. By combining individual-level public opinion data in 28 countries, an expert survey on media systems, and a variety of country-level indicators, I find that higher levels of political parallelism in a country are associated with a larger winner-loser gap in institutional trust and satisfaction with democracy. The relationship is contingent on whether or not people are actually exposed to said media. This research, which links the study of political communication with the study of comparative political behavior, indicates that the increasing availability of partisan news around the world is a cause for concern.  相似文献   
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