The International Commission for the Evaluation of the Crimes of the Nazi and Soviet Occupation Regimes in Lithuania: successes,challenges, perspectives

The article summarizes the history of the International Commission for the Evaluation of the Crimes of the Nazi and Soviet Occupation Regimes in Lithuania and outlines the work it has accomplished to date. The author reviews the problems and controversies surrounding the Commission’s research into the post-1940 period of Lithuania’s history and describes the clashing perspectives inherent in the starkly different Lithuanian, Jewish, Western and Soviet wartime narratives.     

Alliance Institutionalization and Alliance Performance

The appeal of differentiating between small and big wars is limited if the question is restricted to the utility of inductive indicators of war size in isolating some phenomenon of interest. However, there is considerable theoretical justification for treating systemic wars as a special war category. Historical‐structural emphases on geopolitical and macrostructural dynamics have led to the development of contextually specific theories that do not lend themselves readily to the explanation of all interstate wars. Examination of the cyclical fluctuations in the concentration of sea power and land power over the past 500 years help illustrate this general point. Thus, to the extent that systemic wars require a different type of explanation than do non‐systemic wars, the appropriate specification of the dependent war variable is an inescapable necessity.     

Notes Toward a Theory of Ideology in Historlcal Writing on Modern Afrlca

Since the publication of her first novel Le ventre de l’Atlantique (2003), Fatou Diome, a Senegalese author who immigrated to France in the 1990s, has been regularly invited to French cultural TV programmes, in which she often criticises European foreign policy, as well as social and racial segregation. Despite her public political commitment, in several interviews, Fatou Diome argues that literature should be dissociated from politics. This article analyses Diome’s narrative techniques when depicting current social issues in her second novel Kétala (2006). In Kétala, Diome shows how Senegalese gay people and women face social violence and exclusion. Drawing on queer theory and the concept of performance, this article describes the various strategies through which marginalised identities in Kétala contest heteronormative social representations. This paper argues that Fatou Diome’s novel captures the reality through a singular poetics.     

人的安全保护与民主转型 ——基于阿富汗战争的考察

一些国家在由非民主体制向民主体制转型的过程中，往往遭遇各种暴力与冲突。由于人的安全得不到保障，新政府的信誉与合法性因此受到质疑，从而损害了民主转型的前景。阿富汗就是这方面的典型例子，特别是2009年的总统大选表明，恶劣的安全状况已经影响到民主的运作和信誉，这体现了一个困扰许多处于转型过程中的国家的困境：没有人的安全，就没有可靠的民主；转型中的发展中国家很容易在一种失序、动荡的过渡期中反复纠缠，民众的不安全与无效的政府成为一对相互催生的恶瘤。西方的武力干预容易推翻一个旧政权却很难塑造一个强有力的新政权，其造成的权力真空加剧了人的安全与民主转型之间的紧张。民主的价值不容否定，但民主应该在一个稳定的安全基础上去构建，无视人的安全去追求民主，可能反过来有损于真正的民主进程。人的安全视角表明：安全在价值序位上是高于民主的，也是民主生成的前提性条件；有一个能够保证人的安全的有效政府，是国家顺利实现民主转型的关键。     

浅析《欲望号街车》在冷战时期的去同性恋化

美国冷战时期的文化意识形态以反共产主义和反同性恋为主导,导致许多作家不得不对当时的文化审查做出不同程度的妥协。而百老汇剧作家田纳西.威廉姆斯便是其中之一。由于他本人同性恋的身份,他的作品更是备受关注。主要通过对比普利策获奖作品之一的《欲望号街车》的先后两个版本,提出他的创作并非一开始便回避同性恋主题,其作品的同性恋化其实是一个历史的渐进过程。     

第一次反“围剿”胜利与毛泽东人民战争思想

中央苏区第一次反＂围剿＂战役的胜利与人民战争思想有着密切的关系。红军之所以确定＂诱敌深入＂为第一次反＂围剿＂战役的战略方针,其主要目的就是要战略退却到根据地内腹心地域,依靠根据地内有利的人民和地理条件来改变敌强我弱的对比,充分依靠人民群众,实行人民战争,最终打败敌人的＂围剿＂。中央苏区第一次反＂围剿＂战役的胜利就是毛泽东人民战争思想的胜利。     

从议会政治中探究英国内战的起源——读刘淑青的《斯图亚特王朝早期议会政治研究》有感

英国素有“议会之母”的关誉，英国议会政治研究更是受到国内外学者的重视。刘淑青教授的专著《斯图亚特王朝早期议会政治研究》是目前国内研究议会政治的范例。对于英国内战爆发的最主要原因，作者既未盲从于哪一派的观点，也没有生硬地全盘吸收，而是灵活地有保留地进行选择。总之，该书以“冲突”为主线，分别从经济、政治和宗教三个层面进行深入剖析，阐释了议会与国王之间的关系如何从相互妥协、调和、争论、指责到最终决裂的演变过程。     

马克思主义战争根源学说辨析

马克思主义战争根源学说不仅阐明了暴力关系根源于经济关系的原理,而且强调阶级社会的战争根源于私有制和阶级利益冲突.近年来,国内军事理论界有学者提出所谓"战争根源于经济利益冲突"的观点,试图将战争的阶级经济根源归结为超阶级的不同利益之间的冲突.这种"经济利益冲突论"抹杀了战争的阶级性,以"国家利益"掩盖政治分歧,从根本上偏离了马克思主义的战争根源学说.     

Bellamy on Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils: A Response

This article offers a response to Alex Bellamy's article 'Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils in the War on Terror'. It outlines deep errors in his claims about 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils'. Essentially, these errors result from his failure to grapple with the complexity of dirty hands theory, coupled with his uncritical acceptance that dirty hands scenarios are essentially defined as a clash between a public and private morality. Furthermore, we argue that Bellamy's distinction between 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils' is a spurious one since all dirty hands cases require a choice between lesser evils. In addition, we reject his claim that dirty hands makes no political sense. For illustrative purposes, we then briefly examine one problematic philosophical issue which needs attention if the notion of dirty hands is to be taken seriously. Finally, we demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of dirty hands by applying it to the issue of torture in the so-called 'war on terror'.