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231.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):291-321

The choice of an official language of politics and administration for African states is a good focal point from which to view other aspects of politics. A typology of language choice, based on whether the polity is linguistically homogeneous or heterogeneous; and on whether an indigenous or a non‐indigenous language is official, discriminates among four different language structures. Vignettes of language policy in Tanzania, Kenya, Senegal and Ethiopia elucidate each language structure.

Data is presented to show that different political tasks are associated with different language choices, and that the differential ramifications of language situation, for limiting group demands, inducing social mobilization and managing international dependency are, depending on language situation, important.  相似文献   
232.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):443-461
Many observers contend that wartime civilian victimization is an instrument of political leaders to achieve a particular goal. This article examines whether retaliation for similar acts by the other side, the developments on the battlefield, or the behavior of international actors accounts for the ups and downs of this so-called one-sided violence. Using information from the Konstanz One-Sided Violence Event Dataset and other sources, we evaluate the empirical relevance of these complementary models statistically. Time series analyses of the weekly number of killed and harmed Muslims (Bosniacs) and Serbs during the Bosnian civil war support the military and the massacre logic. We show that the Serbian side decreased one-sided violence following a territorial conquest, but that its one-sided violence was not a reciprocal response to the Bosniac targeting of civilians. Conversely, the Bosniac side resorted to violence during times of increasing Serbian atrocities and when the fighting was particularly intense. The analysis reveals that most international interventions did not reduce the carnage, but that the Serbs responded to Russian moves.  相似文献   
233.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):353-380

We conducted an experimental test of spiraling behavior, sex differences, and uncertainty in a simulated crisis situation. We investigated the relationship between weapons acquisition and the likelihood of engaging in aggressive behavior, such as going to war. The sample included 100 male and female subjects who participated in a crisis simulation in same‐sex dyads; each student was instructed to role play the leader of a country in conflict with another leader over a nearby island replete with newly discovered oil resources. Participants were randomly assigned to stimulus materials that manipulated the certainty of the information they received about their partner's force structure. In four cycles of decision‐making, each participant made procurement decisions, took an action related to the conflict, including decisions about going to war, completed questionnaires on characteristics such as the hostility and trustworthiness of themselves and their opponents, and wrote messages to the other member of the pair. The results of the study demonstrate a strong relationship between weapons acquisition and hostility. In addition, we found large and robust sex differences, showing that men are much more likely than women to acquire weapons and engage in aggressive behavior at every stage. There was no effect of uncertainty on either arms procurement or aggression.  相似文献   
234.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):263-280
This paper makes two arguments. First, the political and economic institutions of a state affect that state's foreign policy preferences. Second, dyads with similar political and economic institutions are less likely to experience conflict than other types of dyads. After developing the logic of these arguments, I create measures of political and economic institutional similarity and test the hypotheses against the empirical record. The empirical analysis supports the argument that dyadic institutional similarity reduces the likelihood of conflict. The most noteworthy finding is that economic institutional similarity, even when the political institutions in a dyad are dissimilar, reduces the likelihood of militarized conflict.  相似文献   
235.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):3-18
The military expenditure (M.E.) of a nation depends partly on its wealth as measured by its Gross National Product (GNP), partly on geography, and partly on its presence in an alliance. The authors describe a method for calculating the M.E. value if it depended solely on the GNP; the value of the M.E. so obtained is termed the theoretical M.E. (M.E.Th.). Dividing the actual M.E. by the M.E.Th. (and multiplying by 100) yields a pure number, the tension ratio (T.R.). We regard tension as a function of geography (thus having a hostile neighbor increases tension and having a friendly neighbor decreases tension) and of membership in an alliance (which should cause a relaxation of tension). Tension ratios were calculated for 63 countries. Of the 13 nations engaged in a war, 76.9 percent had T.R. values greater than 155. Of the 43 nations not engaged in a war, only 26 percent had T.R. values greater than 155. Application of the chi square tests and the Kolmogorov‐Smimov test showed the association of high T.R.s concurrent with wars and antecedent to wars to be significant at the 95 percent probability level. Threshold T.R. values can pinpoint critical, potentially violent situations. Membership in an alliance does not seem as important as the effect of geography (the geographic factor includes the perception of hostility or friendliness in a neighboring country).  相似文献   
236.
Drawing on the work of Paul Virilio, this paper addresses changes in the architectural and legal topography of the urban landscape through an examination of regulatory patterns, which increasingly intensify governance through, and as, ‘control’. Such regulation is ambivalent in that it cuts across many traditionally discrete regimes of power melding them into new forms with new effects; as a consequence it is no longer sufficient to think in terms of such distinctions as private/public, civil/criminal, and so on. This paper argues that a concern with patterns of enclosure and privatisation in our urban centres must now be placed within the context of changes in architectural practice and technology, which the authors term ‘open architecture’, and the embedding of governance through partnership, which give particular emphasis to the use of dematerialised and diffused modes of control. The paper utilises Virilio’s history and image of the fortress, which he tracks from a material form to a dematerialised form, to envisage these developments and to provide the foundation for an understanding of the importance of the development of practices of surveillance into, what the authors term, ‘total registration’ as a feature and function of governance through ‘control’.
Nathan MooreEmail:
  相似文献   
237.
Armed conflict has occurred in many parts of the world for centuries and undoubtedly will occur in the future. In the past, combatants suffered; now the majority of suffering is by civilians. Children in these regions are denied the benefits of health care and normal nurturing both during and especially for prolonged periods after the conflict (when the health and social systems have been disrupted or are non‐existent). Their problems of health and development are major; problems for which the experience and knowledge of pediatrics and pediatric research could contribute. Yet, to date, the study of the health and development of children in war zones has not been a major priority of pediatric societies or of the large community of pediatric clinicians and researchers. Recently the Programme for Global Pediatric Research has held meetings with representatives of agencies working in areas of armed conflict together with pediatric clinicians and researchers. They explored the health and developmental problems of children in war zones. Recommendations from those meetings highlighted the plight of mothers and children during conflict and in the period “after the shooting stops.” Child health and development is critically affected during these times. In many instances planning has been inadequate and both government and legal support have been deficient. This presentation will describe the health and developmental problems of children in zones of armed conflict and steps to be taken to alleviate these major problems.  相似文献   
238.
Abstract:  Authentic black-powder muzzle-loader weapons or replicas are used today primarily for re-enactments of historic battles. A lay actor playing the role of a Prussian infantryman sustained life-threatening gunshot injuries during a recent re-enactment of a historic battle of the Sixth Coalition. As only blank historic muzzle-loading weaponry was used, the origin of the missile causing the wounding was initially unclear. Further investigation revealed a ramrod that had been propelled out of the barrel of another gunner's smooth-bore gun as cause of injury. The ramrod was hurled on a trajectory of more than 20 m, breaking the victim's shouldered barrel and hitting the victim resulting in severe abdominal, thoracic, and upper limb injuries. The critical incidents while handling muzzle-loading weaponry leading to premature discharge are elucidated. Furthermore, this report demonstrates how actual diagnostics and subsequent surgical treatment enabled this infantryman to survive an injury to which his comrades-in-arms would have succumbed 200 years ago.  相似文献   
239.
马岭 《政法论丛》2011,(1):24-31
人民主权理论决定了战争决定权应由议会行使。战争宣布权一般属于国家元首。战争指挥权由最高行政长官掌握,是军事统帅权而不是军事统率权。战争执行权主要属于政府及其有关部门。最高军令权和军政权属于总统或首相;此外的军令权属于军官,军政权属于文官,在许多国家二者统属于国防部。在战争的决定权、宣布权、指挥权和执行权中,战争的决定权和指挥权(以及彼此的关系)是最重要的,也是宪法重点规范的对象。  相似文献   
240.
用分光光度计对10具冻死尸体、50具非冻死尸体、50名健康体检人的血糖及5只家兔冻死前后的血糖分别进行测定,测得的数据用统计学“方差分析”方法处理,结果为健康人男、女的血糖浓度、健康人与非冻死尸体血糖的浓度差异无显著性;冻死与非冻死血糖的浓度、冻死与健康人血糖的浓度差异有高度显著性;家兔在冻前与冻死后血糖浓度的差异有高度的显著性。结论为冻死尸体血糖明显升高,可以做为法医确定冻死的佐证之一。  相似文献   
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