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921.
Robertas Pukenis 《美中公共管理》2013,(12):1145-1159
The article analyses the political situation in the Near East in trial to find the formula of peace. It would guarantee a peaceful coexistence for Palestinians and Israelites. The conflict of Israel and Palestine lasts for already over 100 years and becomes a global conflict among Islam believers and Jewish-Christians. Trying to have peace Israel left the occupied Sinai Peninsula of Egypt and made considerable concessions for Palestinians as well: It agreed on Palestine self-governing rights or autonomy in 1994. The problem is that Arabs cannot accept the fact of Israel state in their psychology. Nobody can guarantee their national security when Jews retracted to the borders which existed till 1967, the Sixth Day War. What does the total retraction from Gaza Strip from where the rockets are constantly sent to the territory of Israel on the heads of civil people? Would the most real and secure way of all the solutions be a Federation of Palestinian Territories or Confederation with the Kingdom of Jordan (or with the state of Egypt)? The peace problem of Near East is global and even connected with the intentions of Iran to make an atomic bomb. International community should be more sensitive not only to the tired nation of Palestine but also the Kurds who try to establish their state in Kurdistan. People of Azerbaijan should be helped in uniting into one state in the frames of Azerbaijan. The author tried to prove the article by the facts and the regulations of international law as much as possible. 相似文献
922.
基于社会主义市场经济的不成熟、不完善,从而滋生大量诱发腐败的劣变生态因子的情况,第三代中央领导集体在继承我党廉政建设有益经验的基础上,积极探索构建反腐政治体系。在政党文化层面,积极推进观念化意识形态的创新,为有效有序运行党的权力提供科学而恒定的价值方向和准则规范;在内政治社会化层面,强化对领导干部的政党文化内化教育;在政治制度层面突出准则和规范的实施以及源头防治功能,推进制度反腐新路径;在政治关系层面坚持"以法为轨"的准则,推动新形势下党的权力运行民主化和善治化;在政治行为层面加强对反腐工作规律的认识和继续实行群众参与制度化建设。 相似文献
923.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):121-146
Abstract Despite a great variety of theoretical approaches, empirical analyses of social capital are surprisingly similar. Virtually all of them treat membership in voluntary associations as the chief indicator of community involvement while neglecting another form of community involvement: participation in elite-challenging actions. Likewise, authors readily attribute manifold civic benefits to associational life, while hesitating to attribute such benefits to elite-challenging activity. We question these views on two grounds. Firstly, we argue that elite-challenging action reflects social capital, even though this is a specific form of it: an emancipative form typical of self-assertive publics. Secondly, we use data from the Value Surveys to demonstrate that elite-challenging action is linked with greater civic benefits, at both the individual and societal level, than is membership in voluntary associations. This finding confirms the concept of human development, which suggests that emancipative forms of social capital are more civic in their consequences than others. Following this concept, we show that mass self-expression values nurture emancipative social capital, in motivating elite-challenging action. Finally, we locate self-expression values and elite-challenging actions in a theory of emancipative social capital. 相似文献
924.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(5):566-580
ABSTRACTAccording to the Regional Complex Security Theory (RSCT) external involvement in regional security can take either the form of penetration or overlay. We theorise governmentality as the third form of external involvement aimed to responsibilise regions in order to govern them indirectly and at a distance. We illustrate our argument in a study of NATO’s role in the Western Balkans since the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, we posit that the predominant role of NATO in the region has evolved over time from penetration in the 1990s, through overlay in the early 2000s, to today’s governmentality. 相似文献
925.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(3):335-352
The Boko Haram, a radical Islamic group based in north-east Nigeria, has killed over 1,000 people since mid-2011. This article explores the historical origins and structural drivers of Boko Haram and puts them into context. It argues that the Nigerian government's coercive response to Boko Haram has perpetuated a cycle of violence and undermined endogenous sources of moderation based on cultural, institutional, and political conditions. State repression to implement a counter-terrorism strategy has radicalized the group, created incentives to find international sympathizers, and contributes to fragmentation that impedes political solutions. A comparison with rebellions in the oil producing Niger Delta helps identify some barriers to and opportunities for conflict resolution. 相似文献
926.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(2-3):173-191
This paper discusses the way the newly formed political entities and the local militias engage in statebuilding practices during Libya's transitional period of 2011–12. Focusing on the encounters between these actors in the security field, it provides insight into the capacity and strategy of national actors to build state structures and to develop the political arrangements that they deem necessary. It does so by identifying the key actors involved, as well as the interactions between them and the constantly evolving relations of control, power and authority. It shows how actors in the security field engage with each other in their efforts to expand and to institutionalize networks and influence, and the competition and alignments with other security actors that are active in the transitional phase and thereafter. 相似文献
927.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):1-2
Abstract The police restructuring efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina driven by the international community, using in particular the leverage of European integration, attempted to achieve a reform that would transform a very fragmented police system into a de-politicized single structure and ended in the signing of a rather weak political agreement. The main reason why the process proved to be so difficult was that police restructuring touched upon the fundamentals of a delicate ethno-political power-sharing model in a post-conflict situation. But also, the approach chosen by the international community had serious deficiencies as the international community was far from speaking with one voice, thereby limiting its leverage. 相似文献
928.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):23-42
Abstract Though community policing is widely promoted by donors and criticized by academics, there has been little research on its practice in Africa. This essay examines one of the main elements of community policing, namely community forums, in Freetown, Sierra Leone. They were examined from the point of view of the police, Partnership Board executives and local communities. The triangulation of response provided an evaluation of their strengths and weaknesses. Positively they have improved communication between police and communities and provided intelligence, investigation, intervention, arrest and dispute resolution. Negatively they are elite dominated and most of the activities, initiatives and even finance come from the community. Despite the difficulties, the Partnership Boards are universally valued and are not seen as unwelcome foreign imports. 相似文献
929.
谭敏 《贵阳市委党校学报》2013,(5):58-61
当前,加强与创新社会管理成为我国社会事业改革的紧迫任务。作为改善民生的核心领域,劳动保障对构建和完善我国社会管理体系具有基础性的重大意义。文章分析了当前我国劳动与礼会保障管理中存在的问题与困境,并提出新形势下劳动保障管理的创新思路与的发展方向。 相似文献
930.
赵颖 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2013,25(1):5-9
加强公安思想政治工作规范化建设,可以使公安机关重视思想政治工作的价值,克服公安思想政治工作的随意性和盲目性,体现其科学性和系统性。建设路径包括:领导重视;建章立制;挖掘与整合资源;规范实施和评估程序;立功创模,典型引导;从优待警与从严治警的结合;加强公安政工队伍建设。 相似文献