东北地区边境口岸体系的建设及存在的问题

东北地区地处中国与东北亚国家经济合作的前沿,其边境口岸体系建设直接关系到该地区对外开放和经济发展。东北地区的口岸具有层次类型多样、历史沿续持久、运输类型众多的特点。近年来,口岸体系初步形成,体系整体功能有所提高。但也存在受资金、气候、地区形势制约等多种问题。     

毛泽东、邓小平解决农民问题的经验及其当代意义

农民问题有两个核心:一是土地问题,二是农村剩余劳动力的转移。毛泽东和邓小平分别成功地解决了中国革命和社会主义建设初期的土地问题,对农村剩余劳动力的转移也做了有益的探索,为当代农民问题的解决提供了宝贵的经验,即进行大胆的制度创新,进一步扩大和保障农民对土地的权利,并通过农村人口的城市化和市民化实现农村剩余劳动力的转移。     

浅谈大学英语教学中的文化教育

语言与文化相互依存,大学英语的讲授同时也应该是外国文化的传授,文化教育应贯穿于英语教学的各个方面。由于种种原因当前英语教学缺失文化教育,教师应用各种方式进行文化教育并注意由此可能产生的问题。     

担当:一种科层运作的效能转化工具

以形式理性著称的理性官僚制理论上并没有担当的价值空间,但当代中国科层制处于传统、现代、后现代交织的社会转型之中,处于从历史官僚制向理性官僚制对接的转型时期,有必要继承传统伦理精粹,发扬使命型政党的红色力量,以担当的价值理性驾驭官僚机器的形式理性,发挥国家治理制度优势,实现国家治理效能.这就需要实现政策民主化与政策科学化...     

员工对工会的职能感知加深对工会凝聚力的影响 —— 中国情景中的权力距离调节作用

近年来中国工会通过强化维权职能、改革组织结构、组织工会活动等一系列措施以解决工会“四 化”问题,目标在于提升工会对员工的凝聚力和员工对工会的归属感,这一路径在理论上已达成共识,但在实 践中还需要更多的验证。本研究通过对 142 家企业和 2457 名员工的问卷调研,基于社会交换理论,探究中国情 境中员工对工会的职能感知加深从而提升工会凝聚力的路径机理。研究结果表明：在工会的深入改革中,员工 认识到工会对自己的权益保护功能（工会职能感知）的确能提升对工会的归属感和认同感（工会承诺）,且通 过组织工会活动提高员工对工会的参与度（工会参与）,进而加强了工会凝聚力。同时,如果企业的管理层级多、 上下级沟通不畅（即企业与员工的权力距离大）,反而会促进员工更积极参与到工会建设中,希望工会为自己代言, 从而提升工会吸引力、凝聚力、战斗力。     

BABO Negotiating: Enhancing Students’ Perspective‐Taking Skills

Negotiation educators recognize that collaborative problem‐solving is a critical negotiation skill. Negotiation outcomes are often better when negotiators take a collaborative approach to the process, and they are better able to do this when they are able to take the perspective of the person with whom they are negotiating. Over the years, I have developed several techniques to help my students improve their collaboration and perspective‐taking skills. One of these techniques is to use collaborative terminology (BABO = both are better off) rather than more competitive language (win‐win). In this article, I describe the strategies I employ in my negotiation class to increase students’ perspective‐taking capacities and discuss how this focus enhances their ability to negotiate collaboratively.     

Judicial independence and state-business relations: the case of Taiwan’s ordinary courts

The question of how ordinary courts in new and emerging democracies may gain judicial independence remains an understudied subject compared to its constitutional court counterpart. Through a case study of Taiwan, this article adopts and expands upon the concept of power diffusion from the extant literature, arguing that the growing power of Taiwan’s private corporate sector led the dominant political party Kuomintang (KMT) to grant independence to the ordinary courts as a means to check against this threat, because the excessive rent-seeking and corruption brought about by these empowered corporations were threatening the nation’s successful economic model and its rule of law. Also, due to the corporate sector’s growing influence on the ruling party itself, the KMT leadership had to devise strategies that can credibly commit to ordinary court independence, which would otherwise be reversed thereafter. This unique implication guides a qualitative empirical analysis that reinterprets the historical events surrounding the judicial reforms that took place in the mid-1990s. The results yield strong evidence in support of the theory.     

Give them toys? Military allocations and regime stability in transitional democracies

In contrast to the conventional wisdom that democratization reduces coups, 46% of coups targeted democracies from 2000–2009, twice the rate seen in the prior half-century. Efforts to explain coups have arrived at wildly varied conclusions regarding the vulnerability of democracies. We argue that this is attributable to regime type acting as a conditional influence. We theorize that democratization incentivizes old elites to veto the process, and these vetoes are more likely to occur when the new regime cannot credibly commit to the military’s corporate interests. Using cross-national data for 172 states for the years 1952–2009, we find that though young democracies are more vulnerable to coups than either civilian authoritarian regimes or older democracies, this vulnerability is mitigated when military expenditures are near or above the sample mean. We also find that commonly argued determinants of coups appear to be driven by their influence in democracies, suggesting the need for scholars to revisit commonly held assumptions regarding autocratic survival.     

我国法律援助资金制度中的问题与对策分析

我国法律援助资金制度建设中存在着法律援助资金紧缺,难以满足法律援助的实际需要;法律援助机构和人员庞大,挤占了有限的法律援助资金;法律援助资金制度在立法上也有着诸多不足等问题。应对这些问题：首先,应当完善法律援助资金制度的相关立法;其次,应当多渠道筹措法律援助资金,切实满足法律援助的实际需要;再次,应当实施法律援助资金节流方针,提高资金的使用效益;最后,应当加强对法律援助资金的监管。     

完善我国海事审判制度的思考

海事审判是我国法院审判工作的重要组成部分。当前我国海事审判制度在审级设置、管辖等领域还存在诸多问题。面对加入世界贸易组织后我国海事纠纷日益增多的严峻形势,必须改革现有的海事法院审级体制,赋予海事法院对刑事、行政案件的审判职能,适度扩大海事法院的管辖范围,提高海事审判的专门化程度。