垄断行业管制体制再改革的战略重点

垄断行业管制体制的再改革是中国深化市场体制和行政体制改革的重要议题。政府管制是市场经济体制下政府的重要基本职能,但政府管制作为一种自由裁量权很容易被滥用,从而出现管制失灵的问题。因此,有效的政府管制必须以有效约束政府行为为核心,实现法治,消除利益集团的阻碍和行政体制运行的内耗,从而建立有效的管制治理制度体系。     

Trauma-Informed Resource Parent Training and the Impact on Knowledge Acquisition,Parenting Self-Efficacy,and Child Behavior Outcomes: A Pilot of the Resource Parent Curriculum Parent Management Training (RPC+)

This pilot study illustrates one state’s development, implementation, and outcomes of a trauma-informed curriculum called the Resource Parent Curriculum + CARE (RPC+). The RPC+ is an intensive co-trained curriculum intended to be trauma-informed and skills-based focused on ameliorating child behavior problems that are frequently the source of parenting stress and placement instability. This article will provide a literature review of child and caregiver needs, describe the training curriculum, and present the results from the pilot implementation of the curriculum. Preliminary findings from this study show participants of the RPC+ show positive changes pre- to post-training on a number of dimensions that have been correlated with placement stability for children including knowledge of trauma, parenting self-efficacy, and child behavior outcomes.     

欧盟在中美之间的艰难选择——基于“蛋糕主义”视角的分析

在中美战略竞争的背景下,美国要求欧盟国家与其联手遏制中国,抵制中国在欧洲的基础设施建设和投资。欧盟陷入两难境地,一边是为欧洲诸国提供安全保障的传统盟友美国,另一边是给欧洲带来经济利益的合作伙伴中国。大多数欧洲国家和欧盟实际上在实施一种“蛋糕主义”的平衡策略,即在中美之间“不选边站队”,保持一种矛盾和摇摆的立场,同时它们也希望能够避免因得罪任何一方而遭受重大利益损失。欧盟国家非常清楚这种策略只是一种权宜之计,只有进一步加强战略自主,从根本上提升欧盟的防务能力和外交自主权,才能拯救欧洲,并在此基础上发展欧洲。中国需要认识到欧盟目前的骑墙状态无法长期持续,因为美国如果加大对欧盟的施压力度或者对欧盟作出更有利的安全承诺,欧盟国家大概率会回归美国的怀抱,进而联手应对中国。对中国来说,应该鼓励欧盟“不选边站队”,因为总体上让欧盟偏向中国是不现实的,欧盟能够保持中立对中国来说在理论上是一种次优选择,在现实中也可能是最优选择。今后的中美欧三边关系存在较大不确定性,欧盟的战略空间可能会缩小,需要在中、美两强之间艰难地维持平衡。     

Racial Contexts and White Interests: Beyond Black Threat and Racial Tolerance

The impact of racial context on white voters' support for black candidates in biracial elections has drawn considerable attention from students of racial politics. Two major theories—black threat and social interaction—use different geographic units and provide conflicting explanations. The present study seeks to contribute to the resolution of the controversy by empirically examining white crossover voting at both election unit and neighborhood levels. Twenty-nine mayoral and councilmanic district elections in New Orleans from 1977 to 1998 are investigated. The findings are not consistent with the hypotheses derived from black threat and social interaction theories. Rather than a reflection of racial tolerance or hostility, the changes in white crossover voting in different racial contexts may indicate a rational and strategic adjustment on the part of white voters when they face the prospect of black electoral success.     

影响西部地区农村社会稳定的主要问题和原因分析

当前,我国正处在体制转换和社会转型的关键时期,也是各种社会问题和矛盾的高发期,认真分析西部地区农村社会的稳定问题,准确把握产生问题的原因,是妥善解决好这些问题,实现全面建设小康社会的任务和构建社会主义和谐社会的前提条件。     

浅论新时期群体性事件发生原因及处置机制

当前,我国群体性事件进入高发期,较为严重地影响了社会稳定及社会生活的正常秩序。各级政府必须在认真分析诱发群体性事件的原因基础上,重视处置策略,建立处置机制,采取有效措施,及时、妥善地处理好群体性突发事件。     

“三股势力”与西藏社会政治稳定

"三股势力"是西藏社会政治稳定面临的突出问题。以达赖为首的民族分裂势力要求建立单一民族国家,为发挥更大的能量,需要利用宗教极端主义所具有的狂热性和深刻的群体认同感,同时为实现其政治目的而使用暴力恐怖手段。达赖集团是民族分裂势力、宗教极端势力和暴力恐怖势力这三股恶势力相辅相成、合而为一的产物,对西藏的社会政治稳定有很大的影响。研究西藏在社会政治稳定方面面临的突出问题,维护西藏的社会政治稳定,就是维护国家主权和领土完整、维护民族团结和各民族共同繁荣。     

"维稳"新思考:完善公民利益表达机制

随着社会改革的深化,新的社会矛盾不断出现,新的社会利益群体逐渐形成。不同的社会群体利益诉求的内容不同。畅通公民利益诉求表达渠道关系到30多年来改革的成败,也是衡量政府执政理念的一个重要标准。文章就完善公民利益表达机制,实现社会持续稳定进行思考并提出相关建议。     

Rethinking economic security in a globalized world

Economic security is one of the primary dimensions of human security and is closely associated with poverty and related issues. This article takes a non-economic view of economic security and argues that the concept may lose its policy traction and relevance if it continues to be narrowly defined as and associated with poverty per se. If the concept is to continue to be useful to policy-makers and analysts, it needs to champion and embrace issues and concerns beyond poverty and consider the emergent threats affecting the non-poor. It argues, by way of several highlighted examples, that the concept is sufficiently dynamic to capture and incorporate other pervasive threats to the well-being of the people. It also points out that understanding the political impact and influence of economic security is just as important as studying the economic dynamics.     

Why can't Europe save itself? A note on a structural failure

Europe's Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has been struck by one financial crisis after another. Yes despite many bold new initiatives, instability and uncertainty persist. Why can't Europe save itself? The answer, this chapter argues, lies in a structural failure. EMU lacks a credible mechanism to cope with the threat of imbalances within the group – a framework to manage the European region's internal payments problems. The challenge was foreseen from the beginning. How could a regional monetary union manage the risk of fiscal imbalances among its members? Europe might have turned to the USA for inspiration. For analytical purposes, the USA too can be considered as a regional monetary union comparable to EMU, facing the same fundamental challenge. America's solution was to create a permanent ‘transfer union’, featuring more or less automatic flows of funds through the federal budget at the centre. But European policy-makers chose otherwise, for reasons that go to the very heart of their ongoing integration project. EMU is a league of sovereign states, each determined to retain for itself as many rights and privileges as possible. In such a structure, a permanent transfer union never had a chance; and since no adequate substitute has yet been found, Europe is forced to pay a high price in terms of instability and lost growth.