规范网络政治参与：现代民主政治发展的新思路

网络在中国的迅猛发展,深刻地影响着公民的政治参与程度和热情,推进了现代民主政治的发展进程。本文从网络政治参与的内涵和特点入手,客观地分析了网络政治参与给我国民主政治建设、政治稳定等方面带来的双重影响,并提出规范网络政治参与的对策。     

协商民主理论视野下和谐民族关系的构建

独具中国特色的协商民主制度为我国构建和谐民族关系奠定了基础。协商民主能够在实现各民族有序参与自治权利、利益平衡、增强政治认同方面,在促进各民族文化共存、包容差异、处理民族宗教事务方面发挥重要作用。构建和谐的民族关系,应注重发挥政协和基层的协商民主作用,注重发挥网络协商平台的作用。     

从大陆回台的台湾学生在台湾光复初期的民主斗争

台湾光复初期,曾在大陆学习或生活过的一些台湾学生回到了台湾,他们在争取台湾民主和祖国统一,反对专制政治制度的斗争中,参与了反对国民党当局的＂二.二八＂事件并进行武装斗争;利用文字宣传和做青年学生的工作,传播民主和祖国统一的理念。     

我国基于横切分裂的多元协商民主模式——以十八大代表结构为例

近年，国内学界对协商民主模式颇为关注，众多学者对这一模式的起源、定义、发展趋向等方面进行了大量研究，但很少注意到：协商民主模式的有效运作必须以一国内部不同群体之间的横切分裂为基础；这一模式内部包含多元参与；其有效运作必须以一国内部经济、宗教、语言、民族、意识形态等方面的非两极化为前提。协商民主模式的发展必须注意多元参与和运作前提等等。对中国共产党÷八大代表结构变化的分析可以判断出：我国正在完善多元协商模式，而且，这一模式将有效维护我国政治、经济和社会的稳定。     

Quality of democracy in unrecognized states: lessons from Northern Cyprus

Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.     

从两大法系陪审命运看我国陪审

当陪审制以其"伟大的"民主的象征征服了渴望民主的世界人民的时候,各国纷纷效仿,在世界范围内逐渐形成了英美法系的陪审团制度和大陆法系的参审制度.我国70年来不断努力想保留这张美丽的民主外衣,但结局是令人尴尬的,陪审制在中国到底何去何从?     

和谐校园视域下的高校民主政治建设

民主政治是和谐校园的基础和保障。和谐校园下的高校民主政治建设应从三个方面来实现,即:加强高校党的执政能力,民主治校,依法治校;拓展民主渠道,实现决策科学化、民主化;完善民主机制,实现决策的制度化、规范化和程序化。     

提高高校图书馆综合管理能力的思考

高校图书馆管理事关其职能的发挥与图书馆事业发展的进程,只有提高高校图书馆的民主管理能力、依法管理能力、科学管理能力,才能提高其综合管理能力,才能促进其全面、协调、可持续发展     

‘Making democracy a reality’? The politics of decentralisation and the limits to local democracy in Ghana

Through a case study of Ghana, this article focuses on the relationship between decentralisation and local democracy. The Ghanaian constitution emphasises decentralisation as the key means to ‘making democracy a reality’, reflecting the view common amongst international development agencies that decentralisation enhances local democracy and leads to more responsive government. This article questions such views and investigates whether decentralisation in Ghana has led to increased political participation at the local level and to downwardly accountable local government. Empirical findings are two-fold. On the one hand, relatively high levels of participation in local democratic processes are indicated. On the other, accountability mechanisms have not been strengthened, with a number of limitations and shortcomings identified at local level that undermine citizens’ attempts to hold local government and their elected representatives to account. Yet, in seeking to explain this delinkage between participation and accountability, such local issues do not provide a full explanation. Attention is thus refocused on the national context, where structural obstacles to devolved government are identified in the form of legal, political, administrative and fiscal constraints. Such obstacles are not easily overcome, however, due to the politics of decentralisation, notably central government's reluctance to relinquish control over its powers. Recent proposals for reform in Ghana's decentralisation system are considered, but political change is unlikely given the built-in advantages to the ruling party, whichever is in power. Without such reforms, though, local democracy is likely to remain more appearance than reality.     

Deliberative democracy and the politics of traditional leadership in South Africa: A case of despotic domination or democratic deliberation?

A heated debate developed in South Africa as to the meaning of ‘deliberative democracy’. This debate is fanned by the claims of ‘traditional leaders’ that their ways of village-level deliberation and consensus-oriented decision-making are not only a superior process for the African continent as it evolves from pre-colonial tradition, but that it represents a form of democracy that is more authentic than the Western version. Proponents suggest that traditional ways of deliberation are making a come-back because imported Western models of democracy that focus on the state and state institutions miss the fact that in African societies state institutions are often seen as illegitimate or simply absent from people's daily lives. In other words, traditional leadership structures are more appropriate to African contexts than their Western rivals. Critics suggest that traditional leaders, far from being authentic democrats, are power-hungry patriarchs and authoritarians attempting to both re-invent their political, social and economic power (frequently acquired under colonial and apartheid rule) and re-assert their control over local-level resources at the expense of the larger community. In this view, the concept of deliberative democracy is being misused as a legitimating device for a politics of patriarchy and hierarchy, which is the opposite of the meaning of the term in the European and US sense. This article attempts to contextualise this debate and show how the efforts by traditional leaders to capture an intermediary position between rural populations and the state is fraught with conflicts and contradictions when it comes to forming a democratic state and society in post-apartheid South Africa.