全文获取类型
收费全文 | 285篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 18篇 |
世界政治 | 27篇 |
外交国际关系 | 45篇 |
法律 | 58篇 |
中国共产党 | 7篇 |
中国政治 | 21篇 |
政治理论 | 74篇 |
综合类 | 32篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 17篇 |
2013年 | 68篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有298条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
采矿权并非开采权,而学术界和法律却视为一体。取得采矿权时以行政许可证代替矿产归属的产权证,需要单独而严格审查的矿山设立与采矿权一同批复。那么,转让采矿权的同时连行政许可公权力以及矿山企业的负外部性一同转让了,就必须严格限制。严格限制下的地下采矿权转让,是资源浪费、监督失控、官矿结合的根源,但又不能立即放开。合作博弈的实现是界定产权,界定以矿产为对象的采矿权产权、矿山企业产权、交易产权。 相似文献
192.
马科斯执政时期 ,由于天主教内部的变革以及菲律宾国内的特殊情况 ,菲律宾天主教会积极参与政治活动 ,同马科斯政权的关系经历了从合作到对抗的转变。菲律宾天主教会在推翻马科斯独裁统治的运动中发挥了无以替代的重要作用。 相似文献
193.
西方马克思主义关注资本主义的社会变革和发展,它们从总体性原则出发,阐释出文化革命、文化领导权和文化批判的具体策略,开辟出一条不同于传统马克思主义的社会批判路径,并由此对20世纪人类社会图景产生了重要影响,但文化批判理论的逻辑终局也使其理论思想逻辑的局限性显现出来。 相似文献
194.
195.
Carol A. Ireland Lisa Halpin Cath Sullivan 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(6):714-732
This exploratory study examined the motivations for forensic clients’ engagement in critical incidents, specifically hostage-taking, barricades and roof-top protests. Using thematic analysis, a range of themes were identified. These included engaging in such incidents to seek deliberate isolation from others, gaining control, getting their needs meet, a need to communicate and being influenced by their peers. Selection of potential hostages appeared linked to feeling of grievance towards them. Yet the distress of a hostage, along with consideration as to the longer term consequences of their actions both for themselves and morally, appeared to reduce the risk of engagement in such incidents. The results are discussed in terms of Individualism, Self-Determination Theory of Motivation and Maslow’s Hierarchy of Human Needs. 相似文献
196.
This special issue aims at analyzing music as a site of social semiosis, i.e., at investigating the manifold ways in which music is constituted as a socially shared event. The papers collected here follow three main threads, considered as central aspects of music making: studying the kind of coordination and participation required to make music together; looking at the semiotic resources employed by musicians to construct their roles in interaction; examining the relationship between language and music. A variety of perspectives is adopted, ranging from social semiotics to conversation analysis, anthropology, multimodal analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Such a variety is also reflected in the musical traditions – Western art music, jazz, gospel, church hymns, pop music – and in the settings under examination, which comprise instructional activities like musical classes and rehearsals, as well as ordinary conversations and written accounts of musicians' biographies. Issues of epistemicity and authority, intersubjectivity, correction of musical action, solidarity, and ideology are thereby addressed. The issue thus aims at exploring the richness and complexity of music making as a social practice, and documents how the integration of different disciplinary perspectives can offer fruitful insights on music as a domain of sociality which lies at the intersection of aurality and writing, norm and creativity, individuality and collectiveness. 相似文献
197.
Timothy P. Daniels 《Citizenship Studies》2014,18(8):855-870
This article examines the experiences of African international students attending universities around the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur. I draw upon participant-observations, interviews, and discussions with international students from several African nations and Malaysian citizens of various ethnicities. Malaysian educational programs are actively marketed in Africa, where many students and their families are motivated to pursue an affordable English-language education in an Asian nation. However, African students face an unfriendly and racist reception in the greater Klang Valley area. Persisting colonial legacies of white supremacy, global flows of negative images of Blacks, and newly emergent meta-cultural circulation of representations of Africans-cum-‘Nig(g)erians’ as predatory males shape their experiences of exclusion from cosmopolitan citizenship. I argue that African international students are cast into a low grade of cultural citizenship that cuts across zones of graduated sovereignty. African students adapt to this urban context, perform acts of citizenship, and attempt to foster cosmopolitan relations among themselves and in the broader society. Moments of critical cosmopolitanism from Malaysians are rare and need to be expanded. 相似文献
198.
Ronald D. Crelinsten 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):242-269
The development of radical Islamist strategic thinking and the impact of post-modern, Western styles of thought upon the ideology that informs that strategy is often overlooked in conventional discussions of homegrown threats from jihadist militants. The propensity to discount the ideology informing both al-Qaeda and nominally non-violent Islamist movements with an analogous political philosophy like Hizb ut-Tahrir neglects the influence that critical Western modes of thought exercise upon their strategic thinking especially in the context of homegrown radicalization. Drawing selectively on non-liberal tendencies in the Western ideological canon has, in fact, endowed Khilaafaism (caliphism) with both a distinctive theoretical style and strategic practice. In particular, it derives intellectual sustenance from a post-Marxist Frankfurt School of critical thinking that in combination with an “English” School of international relations idealism holds that epistemological claims are socially determined, subjective, and serve the interests of dominant power relations. This critical, normative, and constructivist approach to international relations seeks not only to explain the historical emergence of the global order, but also to transcend it. This transformative agenda bears comparison with radical Islamist critiques of Western ontology and is of interest to Islamism's political and strategic thinking. In this regard, the relativist and critical approaches that have come to dominate the academic social sciences since the 1990s not only reflect a loss of faith in Western values in a way that undermines the prospects for a liberal and pluralist polity, but also, through a critical process facilitated by much international relations orthodoxy, promotes the strategic and ideological agenda of radical Islam. It is this curious strategic and ideological evolution that this paper explores. 相似文献
199.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):149-162
Abstract The article argues for the Africanisation of the South African education system, most critically at high school and tertiary levels. Using both experiential and theoretical reasoning, it seeks to present a compelling argument for the value of teaching our children, using methodologies, examples and stories they can relate to. It argues that this relatability is what will best develop the cognition of learners and better equip them to turn knowledge into action. The South African education system has often been seen as lacking a critical thinking and problem-solving element, and the article argues that this limitation is embedded in the abstractness of our curricula. The article presents a short case study highlighting just how little about Africa some of our best learners know. It ends by offering practical suggestions about how the education system could incorporate critical African knowledge in its learning models. 相似文献
200.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):262-278
This article uses Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish to examine how de-radicalisation programmes in the War on Terror transform power–knowledge relations, mental discipline and punishment by attempting to instil self-governance through non-violence. Foucault’s theories on the evolution of discipline and punishment can be applied to de-radicalisation programmes, but only after considerable revision. By asking questions on the nature of knowledge, practice, state involvement and recidivism of de-radicalisation, I contend that many programmes may be ultimately limited by a disproportionate focus on religious rehabilitation rather than political dialogue regarding the motivations for such violence. 相似文献