从国际法角度评菲律宾对黄岩岛的主权主张

菲律宾在其立场文件中所提的用来支持其对黄岩岛主权主张的各种材料并不足以支持其关于自独立以来对黄岩岛行使了有效占领和有效管辖并由此获得该岛主权的主张。其中有些并非以主权名义从事的行为,而有些不能被用作支持其实施行为的证据。     

“作为区域研究的日本学”在中国——兼论其意识形态机制

文章在梳理"区域研究"这一概念的基础上,总结了"作为区域研究的日本学"在中国的现状,并对其中的意识形态机制进行了认识论上的分析,认为区域研究的跨学科性所带来的超越性视点和对知识结构的反思性批判思维乃是日本学作为"区域研究"获得成功的关键所在。     

Private regulation,public policy,and the perils of adverse ontological selection

What problems can private regulatory governance solve, and what role should public policy play? Despite access to the same empirical evidence, the current scholarship on private governance offers widely divergent answers to these questions. Through a critical review, this paper details five ontologically distinct academic logics – calculated strategic behavior; learning and experimentalist processes; political institutionalism; global value chain and convention theory; and neo-Gramscian accounts – that offer divergent conclusions based on the particular facets of private governance they illuminate, while ignoring those they obfuscate. In this crowded marketplace of ideas, scholars and practitioners are in danger of adverse ontological selection whereby certain approaches and insights are systematically ignored and certain problem conceptions are prioritized over others. As a corrective, we encourage scholars to make their assumptions explicit, and occasionally switch between logics, to better understand private governance's problem-solving potential and its interactions with public policy.     

Explaining Australia–Japan security cooperation and its prospects: ‘the interests that bind?’

In this paper, we assess the drivers of, and prospects for, further security cooperation in the Australia–Japan bilateral relationship. We argue that while balance of threat and capability gaps may restrain the pace of deepening Australian-Japan security relations, these gaps are diminishing and are, in any case, secondary to the specific shared interests we posit as the primary drivers of Australia–Japan security cooperation. These specific interests, however, are shaped not only by a commitment in both countries to liberal-based principles and freedoms at home and in inter-state relations, but also by a common awareness of the importance of continued US primacy to the ongoing maintenance of those interests. Thus, in the absence of any fundamental change in how Australia and Japan understand their respective interests and the US role in the region, Donald Trump's recent and unexpected election as US president notwithstanding, we conclude that the case for further security cooperation – via additional cross-bracing of their respective US alliance relationships – will almost certainly remain compelling for both countries.     

Endangering alliance or risking proliferation?: US–Japan and US–Korea nuclear energy cooperation agreements

This paper seeks to understand why the United States treated Japan and Korea differently in the revisions of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. On the sensitive issue of grating its allies the rights of developing enrichment and reprocessing (ENR), the United States did so for Japan in the 1977 and 1987 revisions, but did not for Korea during the 2015 revision. For the great power as a supplier state, there are two factors affecting the decision: policy-makers’ concern about alliance management prior to the calculation of security outcome, and firms’ commercial interests. In order to avoid damage to the US–Japan alliance and to maintain Japan's complementation for the US nuclear industry, Washington granted the rights of ENR to Tokyo. In contrast, because of its confidence of managing the US–Korea alliance and partly because of incompatibility of commercial interests between the two, Washington did not grant the rights to Seoul at the 2015 revision. Based on the comparison of the two cases, this paper underscores a need to alter the power projection theory regarding nuclear proliferation by explicating the alliance management as the ex ante element of power projection and by accounting for commercial interests such as fuel sale and technological partnership.     

Reflections on Critical Thinking: Lessons from a Quasi-Experimental Study

In a pre/post quasi-experimental study assessing the impact of a specific curriculum on critical thinking, the authors employed a critical thinking curriculum in two sections of a U.S. foreign policy class. The authors found that the interactive and scaffolded critical thinking curriculum yielded statistically significant critical thinking increases for students scoring below average on the pretest. Within a discussion of the overall need for strengthening critical thinking in higher education, the authors demonstrate that the study’s findings support the developmental process of acquiring critical thinking, and illustrate that early jumps in critical thinking can be achieved within one semester. Additionally, the results point to the need for more long-term approaches to assess larger increases for those scoring above average.     

中美英语新闻的批评语篇分析——以玉树地震报道为例

批评语言学认为,任何语言运用都具有意识形态意义。随着人们对语言和意识形态关系的深入研究,越来越多的人开始使用批评语篇分析的手法来分析媒体语篇的语言特征。从语言学的角度,运用批评语篇分析手法对比分析China Daily和The New York Times关于玉树地震的报道,从词汇分类、转换、情态系统三方面探讨这两家媒体对于该事件报道中的语言运用的差异以及产生原因,可以揭示中西方媒体所蕴含的不同意识形态。     

检察机关服务综合改革配套试验区建设的关键点和立足点

山西省国家资源型经济转型综合配套改革试验区是第一个全省域、全方位、系统性的国家级综改试验区。检察机关服务综改试验区的关键点是实现和保障＂先行先试＂权,立足点是牢固树立＂五种意识＂、着力提高＂五种能力＂、妥善处理＂五对关系＂,以彰显检察机关的职能和价值。     

美国关键矿产安全的脆弱性识别与韧性操作逻辑

关键矿产安全是满足国防工业基础建设、助推清洁能源产业转型以及实现诸多高新技术研发与落地等国家安全需要的核心要素。供应链的安全则是关键矿产安全的核心,而生产与开发能力、回收技术发展、地缘政治竞争等因素皆会影响供应链的稳定性。存在严重对外依赖的现实使得美国为摆脱关键矿产安全的脆弱性,开始追求关键矿产的安全韧性。但在全球实力和地位相对下降的背景下,美国将地缘政治竞争视为影响供应安全的最重要因素。因此,美国在关键矿产安全领域表现出双重叙事：一方面,美国秉持生存叙事,力图通过减少关键矿产供应链的脆弱性,增强韧性,以保障国家安全的基本需求;另一方面,美国又主张权力叙事,将关键矿产安全韧性视为操作工具,以谋求全球控制和主导地位。在双重叙事的交织下,美国通过政治化关键矿产评估、构建排他性供应链等策略,意图在国际舞台上塑造有利于己的格局。而此种刻意制造安全焦虑、拉动“小圈子”、分割全球发展力量的举措给全球安全韧性带来严重冲击,威胁全人类的福祉,中国要高度警觉其进一步的举措,并积极进行应对。     

关于汽车弯路事故的几种受力分析

汽车转弯时发生的交通事故,除了因抢行或者瞭望不佳而引发事故以外,绝大多数是在侧滑力的作用下导致车辆驶离本车道发生碰撞或者追尾、倾翻的,此类问题易引发重特大交通事故。为了说明车辆转弯侧滑事故的机理,文章对车辆常见的几种转弯现象进行了受力分析,以期为事故处理提供可以借鉴的分析资料。