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71.
This thematic analysis examines the applicability of Gustavo Correa's constructs of horizontal and vertical honour with regard to prestige as reflected in 21 statements by Osama Bin Laden (OBL) between 2002 and 2008. The relevance of Correa's theory pivots upon whether the individual is considered as the primary locus of honour, as Correa seemed to imply. There was limited support and substantial disconfirming evidence under this condition. Correa's theory appears more applicable to honour when the Ummah rather than OBL's person is considered as the primary locus of honour, with the individual's prestige a derivative of group membership. Under this condition, supported hypotheses derived from the theory include honour being rooted in divinity; vertical and horizontal aspects of honour being mutually constitutive; vertical honour being established with the creation of the Ummah through rank (insofar as the Ummah is presumed precedent above all non-Muslims), competition (including warfare) and functioning as an ideology hierarchically differentiating Muslims from non-Muslims; horizontal honour being gendered (with domination by non-Muslims situating the Ummah in a feminised position). A notable limitation of the theory is that it does not predict or account for the geospatial reification of group honour, whereby the establishment, defence, violation and exoneration of Islamic honour is discussed in terms of establishment, defence, invasion and forceful expulsion of non-Muslims from Islamic territory. Implications of honour are discussed with regard to the Islamist geospatial dichotomy of Islamic versus non-Islamic territories, efforts to encourage disengagement from terrorism and de-radicalisation within non-Islamic settings, legitimisation of complex phenomena such as jihad or suicide bombing according to frameworks of martyrdom and realistic efforts to win hearts and minds within the Islamic world.  相似文献   
72.
The term “national security” evolved from a nation possessing military might to predominantly having a secure national economy. Beteen those two aspects lie other factors that contribute to a nation's security. Minerals have been part of national se, curity strategy since the need for security was felt by nations. Especially military, economic, and environmental security has been factors that have driven mineral demand. On the other hand, mining and minerals have often been the cause of national security alerts. This paper would represent economic security as being reliant on minerals and will highlight economic security as the key driver that activates other security issues today. It will go on to discuss how minerals have also been affected by national security problems, such as the recent financial crisis. Furthermore, minerals have also been the cause for national security problems.  相似文献   
73.
犯罪对象概念的批判性考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
我国刑法理论中的犯罪对象概念面临着很多理论困境,这些困境产生的根源在于犯罪对象在犯罪构成中的体系性位置及功能产生了错位。在传统理论中,犯罪对象同时作为犯罪客体的物质承担者和犯罪行为所直接指向、作用的对象而存在。实际上,这两种功能的承担者在某些情况下是分离的。我们应彻底抛弃犯罪对象的概念,以行为对象和社会关系的物质承担者,来分别承担犯罪对象原有的两种功能。  相似文献   
74.
对专利联盟的反垄断法审查应当适用“个案审查与效果评估”的基本原则,专利联盟合法性要件包括有效专利、互补性专利、必要性专利、独立专家判断以及确定的限制范围。专利联盟的反垄断审查主要包括卡特尔管制和滥用市场支配地位行为禁止。  相似文献   
75.
美国反垄断法中界定“相关市场”的临界损失分析法   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
美国早期用来界定"相关市场"的方法没有限定市场弹性幅度,这个缺陷直到"假定的垄断者测试"产生后才得到弥补。1986年,美国改进了"假定的垄断者测试"操作方法,提出了临界损失分析法。虽然人们对临界损失分析法还存在不少争议,但它在美国和欧盟得到了越来越广泛的应用,相关判例得到了极大的丰富。  相似文献   
76.
产业技术创新战略联盟的良性发展,有赖于规范高效的知识产权管理和保障机制。从一定意义上讲,以政策立法为依据的政府知识产权激励、保障、服务和监督规范四大职能构成了联盟知识产权外部管理和保障机制的核心要素。健全产业技术创新战略联盟政府知识产权管理保障职能,应建立更为完整细致的知识产权规范体系,改进知识产权激励职能,优化知识产权服务职能,健全知识产权保障职能,明确知识产权监督规范职能。  相似文献   
77.
批判理论是法兰克福学派的学者对当代资本主义社会的发展现状及其历史进程进行批判性审视的结果,其中蕴含了深刻的政治思想。一方面,批判理论不仅关注当代资本主义社会中的普遍性问题,对实证主义的哲学精神和传统的意识形态理论进行解析和批判;另一方面,批判理论还注重发掘资本主义社会生活中的细节,将对资本逻辑的批判从宏观转向了微观,进而通达其政治诉求。可以认为,从微观视角对批判理论中的政治思想内涵进行探索,不仅能够对其进行深刻理解和阐释,而且能够在新时代背景下将批判理论与当代中国现代化建设进行有机的结合,进而实质性地推进马克思主义中国化的理论进程。  相似文献   
78.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the legitimization and institutionalization of ‘parental alienation’ discourse in the Province of Quebec, Canada. It draws upon an analysis of 31 documents (legislation, research reports and articles, training documents, professional documents and media articles) and interviews with 13 key informants, who were selected based on their knowledge of ‘parental alienation’ in research, policies or practices. The research findings reveal that the legitimization and institutionalization of ‘parental alienation’ discourse is a more recent process than in other provinces and countries, but that it has now permeated child custody as well as child protection proceedings. Academic researchers and media have been instrumental in this legitimization and institutionalization process, while the role played by changes to child protection policies is more ambiguous. The findings reveal researchers’ and experts’ tendency to distance themselves from Gardner’s controversial work on ‘parental alienation syndrome’ and to address the critiques by proposing new approaches and new concepts. However, the terms ‘parental alienation syndrome’, ‘parental alienation’ and ‘alienating behaviours’ are often used interchangeably, and assessment practices tend to rely on similar indicators.  相似文献   
79.
农村公共政策供给呈现出典型的功能双重性、价值多重性和技术非均衡性时代特征并呈现出体系化趋向。民生政治、制度创新、解构并重构固化的社会结构,是农村公共政策供给的价值导向、技术导向和目标导向,三者共同构成了农村公共政策供给的逻辑进路。体制性传递与“泛政策化”、选择性供给与失真性执行、政策供给与制度创新的弱耦合性,是当前农村公共政策供给面临的现实挑战。农村公共政策供给带来的政策泡沫和信任危机降低了农民的政治效能感,引发潜在的政治认同危机;涉农政策“打架”现象根源于农村公共政策供给机制失调,导致制度性成本增加;制度创新热衷于制造概念并引致制度空转现象背离农村公共政策供给的逻辑要求。推动农村公共政策供给侧改革,健全完善农村公共政策社会监督体系,优化农村公共政策内部考核评估体系,是新时代优化农村公共政策供给的基本策略。  相似文献   
80.
ABSTRACT

The state and direction of Japan’s international engagement can best be understood as a competition between the ‘Japan first’ and ‘global Japan’ schools of thought. In light of the ever worsening security environment surrounding Japan, the gap between the Japan first school advocating a focus on the immediate needs of Japan’s territorial defence and the global Japan school arguing for more global engagement is widening. The competition between the two will continue to shape the direction of Japan’s foreign and security posture – and importantly, the global Japan school is far from winning, contrary to what Abe’s hyperactive diplomacy might suggest.  相似文献   
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