全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1966篇 |
免费 | 82篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 200篇 |
工人农民 | 44篇 |
世界政治 | 123篇 |
外交国际关系 | 319篇 |
法律 | 223篇 |
中国共产党 | 139篇 |
中国政治 | 179篇 |
政治理论 | 474篇 |
综合类 | 347篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 20篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 25篇 |
2020年 | 62篇 |
2019年 | 67篇 |
2018年 | 79篇 |
2017年 | 83篇 |
2016年 | 105篇 |
2015年 | 70篇 |
2014年 | 112篇 |
2013年 | 398篇 |
2012年 | 141篇 |
2011年 | 102篇 |
2010年 | 85篇 |
2009年 | 104篇 |
2008年 | 100篇 |
2007年 | 90篇 |
2006年 | 81篇 |
2005年 | 79篇 |
2004年 | 95篇 |
2003年 | 60篇 |
2002年 | 32篇 |
2001年 | 31篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2048条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
321.
陈伟 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2010,3(1):77-82
新中国60年,农村基层民主建设获得了巨大的进步,但也还存在许多改进的空间,若要进一步解放农村的民主动力,必须以辩证的思维正视"治"与"乱"之争、"进"与"退"之思、"政"与"民"之辨、"上"与"下"之衡、"刚"与"柔"之合,从认识和实践上解决一系列难题。 相似文献
322.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):275-295
The nexus of economic and political relations is a central issue in international relations, and the influence of political liberalization upon trade ties lies at the center of much liberal theory. However, many facets of the empirical linkage between political liberalization—including democratization and the respect for human rights—and trade remain uninvestigated. Examining the case of U.S.‐Africa trade, this study considers two unexplored facets of these political determinants of trade: (1) the role of human rights conditions, and (2) the robustness of the relationship between democracy, human rights, and trade across a subset of vertical dyads. Using a gravity model to assess trade patterns, we find that neither democracy nor human rights conditions has a significant impact upon U.S. trade to Africa. 相似文献
323.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):617-637
ABSTRACTA diverse group of over 30 countries located all over the world—such as the UK, Colombia, and Ghana—introduced inflation targeting, which is a monetary policy that seeks to control inflation through a pre-announced target. Fully institutionalized democracies adopted the policy first because the core features of inflation targeting are consistent with the principles of a liberal democracy. But why was inflation targeting also introduced by less-democratic countries? This article develops the argument that decision makers of less-democratic countries became more likely to adopt inflation targeting when they observed that nearby countries increased the flexibility of the policy. The statistical analysis of data from 76 countries between 1989 and 2013 supports this hypothesis. The finding that the change of a policy toward a more flexible framework drives its global spread addresses a blind spot in the more recent policy diffusion literature. 相似文献
324.
Shahram Akbarzadeh 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):470-482
US President Barack Obama has tried two very distinct policy options in dealing with Iran. The engagement policy was designed to make a break with the past experience and re-start US-Iran relations on a positive footing. This approach was consistent with the advice offered to the new administration by Iran analysts and leaders of non-governmental organisations. The implication of the engagement policy, however, was sidelining the US commitment to democracy and human rights in Iran. This policy could offer little to the budding reform movement in 2009. The alternative policy of containment was not beneficial to the reform movement either. The policy shift at the end of 2009 was a response to Iran's failure to comply with the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The containment policy, manifested in the fourth round of UN-imposed sanctions on Iran, has led to a further entrenching of the hard-liners in the regime and intolerance of internal dissent. 相似文献
325.
Anye Nyamnjoh 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):323-340
ABSTRACTIn contemporary peacebuilding debates, it is argued that local ownership renders peacebuilding more sustainable, democratic and legitimate. However, these claims have not been seriously interrogated as to their empirical validity. Such evaluations must begin by answering the question, ‘Who is local?’ Different local actors have varying resources, capacities and levels of authority and autonomy. Taking the relatively unexplored case of diasporas, this paper illustrates the absence of a straightforward relationship between ownership and its normative benefits. By assessing the significance of resources like local/ethnic bonds, financial and social remittances, this paper argues that diasporas can undermine the legitimacy of peacebuilding. Furthermore, although diasporas can enhance the prospects for democratic governance, the causal mechanisms can be corrupted. 相似文献
326.
Wendy C. Grenade 《圆桌》2013,102(2):167-176
Abstract This article examines party politics and governance in post-revolutionary Grenada, using the case of the New National Party (NNP). The central question is what does the evolution of the NNP suggests about governance and democracy in post-invasion Grenada? The article traces four phases of the NNP since its formation in 1984: (1) externally imposed marriage of convenience; (2) intra-party conflict and splintering; (3) rebranding, consolidation and dominance; and (4) electoral defeat. The article contends that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy and the NNP is a significant actor. Yet, despite this transition, Grenada has not become the showcase of democracy that the US said it would in 1984. 相似文献
327.
Orlando Bama 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):295-311
This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. 相似文献
328.
Jamie Doucette 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):388-413
ABSTRACT:In the 2012 Korean presidential election, both liberal and conservative parties fought their campaigns on the slogan of “economic democratization,” marking a strong departure from past presidential elections and the growth-first policies of the then-incumbent conservative administration. Both parties pledged to tackle growing social polarization and the concentration of economic power by reforming the corporate governance of Korea's large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol), to the degree that chaebol reform itself became synonymous with economic democratization. This focus led to a series of heated exchanges among liberal-left reformers about the vision of economic democratization being promoted, with one camp favoring the creation of a “fair market” through the restructuring of the chaebol and another promoting the protection of the chaebol’s management rights over their affiliates as a desirable strategy for the creation of a Korean welfare state. This essay examines the long-standing tensions between these two liberal-left perspectives and argues that the capital-centric and market-based visions these camps promoted risk confining intellectual debate over the meaning of economic democracy within boundaries that serve dominant political interests. 相似文献
329.
环境公众参与被定位为实现环境民主的具体制度,对其制度现状的审视与制度完善的建议应纳入民主理论框架内。协商民主理论与环境公众参与具有内在关联,完整的协商民主程序应包括公众参与结构性的社会学习和政策制定这两个阶段构成的“二元协商”框架模型,该模型对于完善环境公众参与制度具有借鉴意义。社会学习阶段的审慎民意调查、网络公共论坛和民主恳谈会等形式为公众真正参与环境公共事务进行知识准备和程序训练;公众可以通过公民陪审团和社区环境活动等形式正式参与环境公共政策的制定过程。 相似文献
330.
彭真是我国社会主义法制的主要奠基人,为纪念彭真诞辰110周年,着眼彭真民主法制思想的整体性和综合性、彭真与我国人民代表大会制度及其建设、彭真与我国基层民主建设与自治思想、彭真立法思想、彭真宪法思想、彭真刑事法律思想、彭真法律监督思想等方面,综述了学界最新的研究成果。充分体现了彭真同志的民主法制思想的理论价值和实践意义,彰显了彭真同志对马克思主义法学中国化作出的贡献。 相似文献