首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   255篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   20篇
工人农民   2篇
世界政治   21篇
外交国际关系   117篇
法律   16篇
中国共产党   7篇
中国政治   12篇
政治理论   36篇
综合类   29篇
  2023年   3篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   6篇
  2016年   9篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   124篇
  2012年   11篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   8篇
  2009年   10篇
  2008年   4篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   1篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   12篇
  2003年   2篇
  2002年   5篇
  2001年   4篇
  2000年   3篇
  1999年   1篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   1篇
排序方式: 共有260条查询结果,搜索用时 234 毫秒
61.
论正确处理民主决策与科学决策的关系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在推进政府行政决策民主化与科学化的过程中,民主决策与科学决策经常发生矛盾,能否处理好两者的关系是衡量行政管理体制改革效果的重要标准。必须把握民主决策与科学决策的深刻内涵,把群众利益与科学精神结合起来,以民主决策作为基础,保证决策的合法性,以科学决策作为导向,保证决策的科学性。  相似文献   
62.
袁则文 《行政与法》2014,(10):11-16
在近代以来的多次民主化浪潮中,除少数国家之外,多数国家的民主转型和民主化进程都是一波三折,民主巩固艰难.其原因固然众多,但缺少应对和解决民主化进程中所面对的一系列问题的国家能力显然是其中非常关键的因素.本文认为,新民主政权只有有效解决转型问题、控制转型秩序、提升民主质量、促进民主文化形成,才能保障民主转型,走向民主巩固.  相似文献   
63.
蔡从燕 《法学研究》2012,(6):188-206
大国问题是国际法实践中的一个老问题。近年来,国际关系民主化与国际法治成为日益重要的国际议程,一批新兴大国也正在崛起,这些新发展既为处理大国问题提供了历史机遇,也使得处理这一问题变得更为复杂,具有鲜明的时代特点。大国问题涉及大国拥有与作为国际法基础的主权平等原则相冲突的法律特权,但法律特权并非是导致大国问题的惟一原因;被赋予法律特权的大国应当承担特殊的法律义务,但获得法律特权并非是大国承担特殊义务,包括特殊法律义务的惟一依据。为了有效约束大国的行动,国际社会一方面应当限制大国可以获得的特权、强化大国应当承担的特殊义务尤其法律义务,另一方面应当寻求建立监督大国依法善意行使特权、履行义务的程序法机制。  相似文献   
64.
The EU's political conditionality has acquired increasing importance with successive enlargements; this also goes for the period since 2004 compared with that before. The focus here is on change and continuity in conditionality policy with respect to its aims, approach, and priorities. The article presents and applies a three-dimensional analysis concerning the challenge to, the process of, and the management of that policy. Given the need for assessing it in a broad and dynamic context, the discussion revolves around three relationships: between conditionality and post-communist democratization; between conditionality and the enlargement process; and between conditionality and the EU itself in terms of institutional responsibility for enlargement and conditionality matters. This explains how the policy since 2004 has been driven by four factors: more difficult democratization cases from the West Balkans; lessons from the earlier 2004 enlargement involving East–Central Europe; the policy outlook of Commissioner Olli Rehn; and ‘enlargement fatigue’ and stronger pressures from EU actors other than the Commission. As a result, political conditionality has become broader in its scope, much tighter in its procedures, and less easy to control within a less enlargement-friendly environment in the EU and against less certainty about enlargement prospects.  相似文献   
65.
Rory McCarthy 《中东研究》2019,55(2):261-275
Abstract

Tunisia&s transition away from authoritarianism has been shaped by a politics of consensus, which has brought together representatives of the former regime with their historic adversary, the Islamist movement al-Nahda. This article argues that consensus politics was a legacy of the authoritarian regime that was re-produced during a democratizing transition. The politics of consensus was encouraged and enabled by al-Nahda, which prioritized its inclusion within this elite settlement to provide political security for itself and the broader transition. However, this came at a cost, engineering a conservative transition, which did not pursue significant social or economic reform. The Tunisian case shows that historical legacies, such as consensus politics, can shape a transition as much as contingent, pragmatic decisions by political leaders.  相似文献   
66.
Abstract

Six years after the 2011 revolution that toppled the Gaddafi regime, the political transition in Libya is at a standstill. The fragmented security landscape fuels chronic local conflicts, lawlessness, and insecurity, and paralyzes the political transition with destabilizing consequences on its neighbors. What explains the rapid, profound, and lasting security fragmentation that affected post-Gaddafi Libya? Notwithstanding the manifest failures of the international intervention during and after the 2011 conflict, this article argues that the security fragmentation in post-Gaddafi Libya is deeply rooted in domestic economic, cultural, and political factors. In particular, the Libyan economy offers almost no employment opportunities, and the country lacks a unitary government and functioning state institutions that it needs to redistribute its oil wealth. Under these circumstances, Libyans attempt to cope with economic hardship, insecurity, and lawlessness by turning towards their family, tribe, neighborhood, or ethnic group, thereby fueling the fragmentation of security. Libya’s current security fragmentation and instability can be seen as part of the messy historical process of state formation. During this phase, political and security agreements are brokered and institutionalized through localized processes of rebel governance whose realm of possible arrangements are determined by contextual economic, political and cultural constraints.  相似文献   
67.
人权入宪对我国行政法民主化发展趋势的影响   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
本文就行政法民主化发展与宪政建设和法治政府建设的关系作了简要分析 ,指出行政民主是宪政建设和法治政府建设的重要内涵 ,人权入宪是 2 0 0 4年修宪的最大亮点 ,在此基础上分析研究了人权入宪对行政法民主化发展趋势的影响 ,旨在从行政民主的角度为我国宪政建设和法治政府建设提供参考  相似文献   
68.
On the eve of Chile's transition from military to elected government, the outgoing regime enacted an electoral engineering project intended to conserve the constitutional order it encoded in 1980. An analysis of 1989 and 1993 general elections shows that the way votes are translated into seats favors, as intended, the second largest electoral block, the Chilean Right. This bias, along with the number of appointed senators and the special majorities required for constitutional amendments, gives the Right a minority veto power on any reform initiative. Moreover, the electoral system produces incentives for parties, candidates and voters that enhances this balance of power. The role that the electoral system plays in Chile therefore consolidates a limited form of democracy, rather than a liberal one.  相似文献   
69.
目前经济不发达国家推进民主进程应注意 :经济进程与民主进程要协调发展 ,既不因经济落后而放弃推进民主的努力 ,也不要盲目脱离经济现状提出不切实际的民主要求 ;推进民主进程应先后有序 ,从低到高 ,注意协调好推进民主进程与保持政治稳定的关系 ;经济不发达国家的民主进程必须有领导地进行 ,要加强民主秩序化。  相似文献   
70.
“文化有因民族而异的个性差,同一民族的文化也有因时代而异的个性差”,日本文化具有吸收选择性和创造性的特征,日本文化的这些特征对日本的民主化进程产生了重要的影响,这些民主化的进程中深深体现了日本文化的特征,既有积极的方面,也有消极的方面。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号