行政规章与西部开发

西部开发必须沿着法制的轨道进行,保证开发活动有法可循。在我国还没有专门的西部开发法出台的情况下,有必要充分发挥行政立法,尤其是行政规章的规制作用。在制定行政规章的过程中,要注意使行政规章在西部开发中起到前瞻性、试验性、适应性的作用,以体现行政规章在西部开发中的法律规制作用。     

“计赃论罪”的历史考察与现实变革

我国古代关于盗窃罪的立法有着"计赃论罪"的传统,而这一立法传统在近代经过短暂的断裂后,又在新中国的刑事立法中得以体现。新中国刑法中的"计赃论罪"在内涵上与古代刑法中的"计赃论罪"并不完全相同,主要表现在从定性分析模式到定性+定量分析模式的演变。这种演变,与盗窃行为社会危害性程度的变化、我国传统文化心理以及现实刑事政策密不可分。无论在理论上还是在实践中,纯粹的"计赃论罪"立法模式都已丧失了生存的空间,我国盗窃罪应当确立"双轨制"的立法模式。     

A semiotic study of regional branding reflected in the slogans of Korean regions

The purpose of the present analyses of regional slogans is to provide a semiotic perspective for understanding the symbolic communication systems involved in the construction of Korean regional governments. This study attempts to evaluate the slogans in terms of the semantic and morphological aspects of the texts. Findings show an overuse of signs within the slogans of regional governments that weakened the delivery of information regarding local identity. A leading slogan for a large region may create a unique identity in relative terms, whereas second-tier regions tend to mimic the success of others. The present research illustrates that each region of Korea cannot be differentiated in terms of a semantic analysis of linguistic signs. The communication tendencies that influence the creation of slogans for Korean regions are morphologically complex but semantically simple, resulting in the failure of these regions to secure distinctiveness in their individual brand identities.     

Understanding regional peace and security: a framework for analysis1

The aim of this article is to build an analytical framework for understanding regional peace and security. Building on important insights from other theoretical approaches, it proposes that in order to comprehend the complexities of each regional cluster we have to account for: (a) agents of peace and security, (b) instruments of peace and security, (c) the security pattern, (d) the conflict pattern, (e) the positive peace pattern, and (f) the level of regional integration. Secondly, the article examines how these different components relate to each another. It introduces the concept of the ‘regional peace and security cluster’ (RPSC) and proposes that RPSCs can be classified as ‘regional fragmentations’, ‘regional coalitions’, ‘regional communities’ and ‘regional governmental polities’.     

边疆民族地区推进马克思主义大众化的调查与思考——以云南省西双版纳傣族自治州为例

推进边疆民族地区马克思主义大众化、民族化，对中国社会主义建设事业不断取得胜利具有重大的意义。本课题组调查了边疆民族地区推进马克思主义大众化的普及、接受和认同情况，据此分析边疆民族地区对马克思主义的认同方式和程度，并对边疆民族地区推进马克思主义大众化的路径进行有益探索。     

关于建国头17年高等教育改革的若干理论分析

我国建国头１７年的高等教育改革可以划分为两个阶段，第一阶段（１９４９－１９５６）以模仿苏联模式进行改革为主要特征，第二阶段（１９５７－１９６５）的主要特征则是偏离苏联模式，以苏联模式为蓝本建立起来的高等教育制度主要包括建立由单科院校与理科综合大学构成且以单科院校为主的大学体制；建立“大学一系”、系内设专业、教学研究组的大学内部组织结构；建立以专业为中心、按照统一的教学计划开展教学活动的教学制度。     

三株鸡马立克氏病病毒流行毒株基因组重复区的序列测定及分析

对国内3株马立克氏病病毒血清1型(Marek’s disease virus type 1,MDV-1)流行毒株的基因组重复区进行序列测定及分析,并与GenBank中登录的MDV-1参考毒株序列进行比较。结果显示,3株毒株的基因组重复区序列具有较高同源性,在进化上属于一独立分支。3株毒株的长重复区长度约为12kb,预测的开放阅读框(ORF)分别为43、40、43个;短重复区约为12kb,预测的ORF分别为27、25、26个。3株毒株的多个ORF中存在它们特有的共性氨基酸突变,是国内MDV-1流行毒株的特有的遗传性特征。该研究为我国MDV的流行、遗传变异及防控研究提供了材料。     

隆朋对大鼠不同脑区GABA及Gly含量的影响

为研究隆朋麻醉下大鼠不同脑区抑制性氨基酸类神经递质含量的变化,探讨隆朋中枢麻醉作用机制,将48只Wistar大鼠随机分成6组,分别为对照组、诱导组、麻醉组、恢复Ⅰ组、恢复Ⅱ组和恢复Ⅲ组。采用反向高效液相色谱法测定各脑区GABA和Gly的含量。结果显示,腹腔注射40mg/kg隆朋后,诱导组大鼠脑干、丘脑、大脑皮质内GABA和Gly的含量与对照组差异显著(P<0.05);麻醉组大鼠脑干、丘脑、大脑皮质内GABA的含量显著升高(P<0.01),脑干、丘脑内Gly的含量显著升高(P<0.01),而大脑皮质内Gly的含量显著降低(P<0.01);恢复Ⅱ组大鼠脑干、丘脑、大脑皮质内GABA和Gly的含量与对照组差异显著(P<0.05);恢复Ⅲ组上述各脑区GABA和Gly的含量均恢复显著(P<0.05);麻醉全程海马、小脑内GABA和Gly含量均无显著变化(P>0.05)。结果表明,隆朋对脑干、丘脑、大脑皮质GABA和Gly含量的影响,可能是其产生全麻作用的重要机制之一;隆朋的中枢麻醉作用,可能与升高大鼠脑干、丘脑、大脑皮质内GABA的含量和脑干、丘脑内Gly的含量,降低大脑皮质内Gly的含量有关。     

强化学习促进创新——对民族地区创建学习型政府的几点建议

"民族地区要发展,政府能力须提高".加快民族地区经济、社会的全面发展,必须不断提高公务员的综合素质,建设一支高素质的公务员队伍.因此,创建学习型政府并打造一支在政治上过硬、业务上精湛的公务员队伍,从而走出一条在"在学习中创新,在创新中学习"的具有民族特色的发展之路是实现民族地区经济社会跨越式发展的重要途径.     

Soviet conspiracy theories and political culture in Ukraine: Understanding Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions

Conspiracy theories in Ukraine draw on inherited Soviet political culture and political technology imported from Russia where such ideas had gained ascendancy under President Vladimir Putin. Eastern Ukrainian and Russian elites believed that the US was behind the 2000 Serbian Bulldozer, 2003 Georgian Rose and 2004 Orange democratic revolutions. The Kuchmagate crisis, impending succession crisis, 2004 presidential elections and Orange Revolution – all of which took up most of Leonid Kuchma’s second term in office – were the first significant domestic threats to Ukraine’s new, post-communist ruling elites and in response Ukraine’s elites revived Soviet style theories of conspiracies and ideological tirades against the US and Ukrainian nationalism. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko became the focal point against which the conspiracies and tirades were launched because his support base lay in ‘nationalist’ Western Ukraine and he has a Ukrainian-American spouse. The revival of Soviet style conspiracy theories has become important since Viktor Yanukovyc’s election as Ukrainian president in 2010 because this political culture permeates his administration, government and Party of Regions determining their worldview and influencing their domestic and foreign policies.