浅谈食品安全风险评估机构独立运行的必要性

目前,我国风险评估机构属行政序列,其评估工作不能独立、科学的运行,导致食品安全风险预警职能无法发挥,食品安全事故频发。食品安全风险评估机构有独立运行的必要性,为实现食品安全风险评估机构独立运行,应列入人大序列进行理论探讨,以求为实践提供借鉴。     

警察执法作战指挥训练方法构成探索

警察执法作战指挥训练方法是保证训练效果的重要因素。由于警察执法作战指挥训练内容的广博性,以及训练对象的多层次性,警察执法作战指挥训练的方法构成应具有很大的灵活性,探索其训练方法构成,对有效提高训练效益,提高警察指挥员的指挥能力具有重大作用和现实意义。     

高职毕业生创办微小企业的立体支持体系构建

我国每年的高职毕业生中,选择自主创业的人数占总毕业生人数的比例较少,并且创业成功率较低。导致高职学生创业率低和创业成功率低的原因较为复杂,亟须构建包括高职院校、政府、社会、高职学生在内的创办微小企业的立体支持体系。     

我国养老保险基金保值增值的途径与制度设计

文章基于我国人口老龄化趋势日益加深,社会养老保险面临严峻挑战的社会背景,考察我国养老保险制度发展完善的历程,分析了现行养老保险基金运营管理中存在的问题和缺陷,以养老保险基金保值增值的途径与制度设计为线索进行研,艺,指出通过资本化运作可以实现养老基金的可持续发展。     

互联网电视商业模式的著作权困境与反思

互联网电视刚面世就遭遇了不断的知识产权纠纷,其商业模式的性质各不相同,并引发了不同的侵权行为。利益平衡是知识产权法的基础性原则,司法实践中法院应当按照利益平衡的要求做出合理的判决。为了促进互联网电视制造商和著作权人之间利益的平衡,满足公众的合理需要,应理性地寻求维系利益平衡的作品管理机制和新的商业模式。     

After the green gold rush: the construction of climate change as a market transition

Abstract

This paper examines the emergence of a representation of climate change amongst business and political elites as an axiomatic frame of long-term economic strategy. In this representation, the rationale for action on climate change is liberated from the premise of an exogenous physical threat, and replaced by incentives endogenous to the market in the form of opportunities in the so-called carbon economy. The relationship between climate science and action upon climate change has in this process become markedly different from common assumptions whereby science is either ignored or obfuscated, or followed faithfully as the evidence base for policy. Strikingly, the abandoning of climate ontology as irrelevant to corporate decision-making has enabled a large-scale investment of capital into the policies nominally designed to tackle climate change.     

A critical note on UNDP's gender inequality indices

This article explains the diverse responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore to Chinese nationalist movements in the 1930s. In Singapore, the slogan of “Chinese buy Chinese goods” boosted the Chinese bourgeoisie in their business competition with Japan. The same slogan was used by the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong to emphasize increased sales of Chinese goods while Japanese imports were used by Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong. I also interpret Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong and Singapore as a move toward transnational economic citizenship. Emphasising their Chinese ethnicity, the bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore asked the Chinese government for favourable import tariffs. At the same time, the bourgeoisie requested the British for favourable tariffs, when they wished to export goods to markets in Britain and its colonies.     

The Transformation of Korean Business Groups after the Asian Crisis 1

This study examines the evolution of Korean business groups after the economic crisis. In particular, we investigate the post-crisis changes in their business structure and corporate governance system, which are argued to be major precipitating factors leading to the economic crisis. Our analysis suggests that the divestment intensity of non-core, highly indebted and low intra-group trade firms was higher for groups which survived the economic crisis, compared to the bankrupt groups. Besides, most surviving groups did not pursue diversification as actively as before the crisis, and their financial conditions remained favourable in the post-crisis period. The corporate governance of the groups has also improved in terms of corporate transparency, implementation of monitoring mechanisms and their accountability to shareholders. Therefore, it seems that Korean business groups have successfully implemented radical corporate transformation to adapt to the changed business environment after the crisis. But, the dominance of family management still remains as an important feature of Korean business groups.     

Is it none of their business? Business and democratization,the case of Turkey

This article explains how the Turkish business' regime preferences have evolved from pro-authoritarian to pro-democratic in the context of dual transitions, in response to changes in incentive structures shaped by domestic, regional and international parameters. It particularly focuses on big business and highlights the central role that greater exposure to international competition during the course of opening up and liberalization played in the evolution of its regime preferences. The article suggests that the central mechanism which has led to the regime preference change is socialization by strategic calculation facilitated by business' increasing incorporation into transnational networks. It asserts that the Turkish big business' experience is particularly interesting because international exposure not only created new opportunities for big business, but also new divisions and rivalries within the business community. These new rivals formed flourishing alliances with the government, with their accompanying claims to power that challenged the big business' previous hegemony in accessing state resources. In the process, big business' fear of losing its privileged status to rival business groups and the resulting uncertainties led big business to associate democratization with higher benefits, as they became increasingly aware of the link between democratization and diminished uncertainties, through their interaction with transnational business networks. Consequently, big business consolidated its pro-democratic stance as shifting domestic alliances enhanced the need for diminishing uncertainties, while internationalization along with the prospect of EU membership increased the cost of status quo.