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101.
Although scholars of West European politics have long debated whether the region's highly institutionalised party systems were becoming de‐aligned and electorally unstable, the political fallout from the post‐2008 financial crisis has lent a new sense of urgency to the debate. The threats posed to party systems by economic crises are hardly unique to Europe, however. The Latin American experience with the debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s suggests that party system upheaval was not simply a function of retrospective economic voting during the period of crisis. It was also attributable to programmatically de‐aligning policy responses to crises – namely the ‘bait‐and‐switch’ imposition of austerity and adjustment measures by labour‐based, left‐leaning parties that were traditional champions of statist and redistributive policies. Such patterns of reform made it difficult for party systems to channel societal resistance to market orthodoxy in the post‐adjustment era, setting the stage for convulsive ‘reactive sequences’ when such resistance arose outside and against mainstream parties through varied forms of social and electoral protest, typically on the left flank. This article explores the political fallout from the European and Latin American economic crises from a comparative perspective, arguing that it is essential to think beyond the short‐term political dynamics of crisis management to consider the longer‐term institutional legacies and fragilities of the different political alignments forged around crisis‐induced policy reforms.  相似文献   
102.
传统国际法上,外交保护的法律性质是国家的权利。但是随着国际法人本化思潮的日益发展,国内外许多学者认为外交保护的性质已经转变为国家的义务。然而,无论是各国国内法的趋同,还是人权保护的需要,都不必然导致外交保护法律性质的转变。在国际法上,外交保护的法律性质仍然是国家的权利。  相似文献   
103.
徐坚 《外交评论》2020,(1):1-21
习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是21世纪的马克思主义。习近平外交思想是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分,集中反映了当代中国化马克思主义在外交和国际关系领域的最新思想理论成果。习近平外交思想在价值取向上彰显鲜明中国特色,即旗帜鲜明地坚守中国共产党领导中国人民走中国特色社会主义道路与追求共产主义远大理想的初心,推动构建人类命运共同体,积极为人类现代化事业贡献中国智慧和中国方案。使坚持中国特色社会主义的初心与倡导涵盖资本主义国家的人类共同体意识形成理论自洽,是中国共产党人运用马克思"两个必然"思想与"两个决不会"思想,对当代世界与中国发展大势进行深刻洞察得出的重要理论结晶,是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想和习近平外交思想从历史哲学高度对21世纪马克思主义做出的重大理论贡献,体现出深刻的理论思辨与理论创新精神。习近平外交思想富于鲜活的时代精神,集中体现在高扬和平与发展的时代主旋律、敏锐洞察百年未有之大变局的历史脉动、以新型全球化理念积极引导全球治理等方面。习近平外交思想使中国外交在理论和实践上得到升华,开辟了中国外交哲学的新境界,是新时代中国特色大国外交的强大思想武器与行动指...  相似文献   
104.
正THE history of diplomatic relations between the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the People’s Republic of China is divided into three stages.The first,the formal establishment of relations between the two countries,was in 1974,and purely formal,even reticent,perhaps due to heavy dependence on the governments of Western powers prior to the Bolivarian Revolution.This period ended in 1999,with the rise to power of Supreme Commander Hugo Chavez,who from the beginning had the objective of strengthening ties between the two countries and achieving more and more optimal levels.  相似文献   
105.
正President Xi Jinping held talks on October 27 with President Milos Zeman of the Czech Republic.Xi made a point of mentioning that President Milos Zeman’s visit was on the occasion of the 65th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries;also the special significance of its being the first visit by the head of state of the Czech Republic to  相似文献   
106.
ABSTRACT

The overthrow of Omar al-Bashir after three decades of rule has brought to light a dynamic that has been present for years: an interweaving of political, economic and security issues between the states of the Horn of Africa and the Gulf monarchies. Since 2011, the most active powers are the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which seek political support to counter both Iran’s influence and the growing Turkish presence. The two Gulf monarchies’ search for alignments with African counterparts has favoured the continuous reshuffling of alliances with direct effects on the local actors’ strategic choices. These dynamics need to be considered to understand the determinants behind the currently increasing instability in the Red Sea area.  相似文献   
107.
邓小平国际战略思想包括对战争威胁的判断和相应的外交战略。对苏联威胁的判断是邓小平国际战略思想变化的根本原因。邓小平对威胁的判断经历了继承、强化、减弱三个阶段,他主导的"一条线"战略也经历了实施、强化和终结的过程。  相似文献   
108.
正Five decades after forging diplomatic ties,China and Tanzania stand ready to inject new vigor into their traditional friendship,symbolized by the iconic Tanzania-Zambia Railway.Shortly before their golden jubilee,which falls on April 26,Abdulrahaman A.Shimbo,Tanzanian Ambassador to China,sat down with Beijing Review reporter Ni Yanshuo to share his thoughts on the latest development of bilateral relations.Excerpts follow:  相似文献   
109.
外交保护行为属于国家特权和政治问题不足以成为其豁免司法审查的充分理由,近年来,某些西方国家的宪法法院已经开始受理外交保护行为司法审查案件,并对其实质问题进行审理。然而,外交保护行为毕竟具有很强的政治性和外交性,司法机关应当保持一定程度的司法节制,尊重行政机关的判断和自由裁量权,因而,是否将外交保护行为纳入司法审查的范围以及司法审查的范围和强度应当在尊重和保障基本人权和实现行政效能之间寻求适当平衡,在突破外交保护行为非具可司法审查性的先验假定禁区的同时,在受案范围、条件以及审查决定类型等方面予以合理限制。  相似文献   
110.
准结盟战略是一种防御性外交战略,是在某种特殊情况下,在某些重大问题上与意见相同的国家达成共识而采取的一种临时性、阶段性的紧密合作措施.世纪之交,北约东扩、日美安保条约西扩、中美关系很不确定、国际力量对比严重失衡等为建立准结盟战略提供了条件.目前,中国应把发展与俄、印度、印尼等国家的关系放在建立准结盟战略的首位.  相似文献   
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