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91.
正SINCE the establishment of full diplomatic relations between China and Brazil 40 years ago,the two countries have tightened their bilateral ties to the level of comprehensive strategic partnership.Recently Brazilian Ambassador to China Valdemar Carneiro Leao sat down with China Today for an exclusive interview.He said that the two countries share similar stances on issues of bilateral and multilateral relations and have maintained close economic cooperation.  相似文献   
92.
ABSTRACT

Although the US-led system of formal alliances remains the main pillar of the regional security architecture in Asia, alignment cooperation – centred on the Indo-Pacific maritime conceptualisation of the region – has been on the rise. This includes informal bilateral and minilateral agreements for security collaboration between regional and extra-regional US treaty allies or close security partners, notably Japan, Australia, India, the United Kingdom and France. While the various alignments complement and address the deficiencies of the formal US-led alliances, the functional and informal characteristics of alignments allow countries to pursue security cooperation both in conjunction with the United States and independently of it. This leads to a more fluid security architecture that increasingly reflects the diversity of emerging regional ‘architects’, among which Japan is assuming a leading role, as much as the region’s array of new security challenges.  相似文献   
93.
全球化背景下中国公民走出国门的人数越来越多,他们在国外面临的形势不容乐观,而如何保护其权益则是我国必须思考的问题。国际法人本化趋向下保护海外中国公民权益不仅是国家的一项权利,更是一项义务和责任。目前,我国在保护海外公民权益实践当中还存在诸多不足,因而有必要在我国实行外交为民、执政为民的理念下进一步完善海外公民权益保护的策略,以切实保护其权益不受它国的非法侵害。  相似文献   
94.
邓小平外交思想可概括为 :坚持独立自主的和平外交政策 ,把对外开放作为我国长期的基本国策 ,确立我国与第三世界国家合作的四项原则 ,用和平共处五项原则处理国与国之间的关系。在这一思想的指导下 ,我国外交工作取得了如下实践性成果 ,一是争取到了一个和平稳定的周边环境 ,二是形成了我国经济对外开放的有序格局 ,三是同第三世界国家建立起了务实密切的合作关系 ,四是与西方国家的关系在发展中有了突破 ,五是具备了独立自主处理国际问题的能力  相似文献   
95.
新中国成立之初,以毛泽东为核心的中国共产党领导集体做出了"站在社会主义一边"、"打扫干净屋子再请客"、"另起炉灶"的外交决策.在这些外交政策中蕴涵着鲜明的意识形态因素,即社会主义革命理想、反帝民族主义和强调阶级性,具有稳定性、潜在性和封闭性的特点.这些意识形态因素对于外交政策的制定和实行着重要的功能性影响,这一方面是中国对外政策的决策体制的特殊性造就的;另一方面则是在当时的国际大环境中,维护国家的整体战略利益的结果.  相似文献   
96.
普京提出的建立“稳定弧线”构想集中体现了俄罗斯外交政策的基本精神和战略意图,其核心是突出强调国家要集中精力于国内的转轨和发展,为国内经济建设赢得时间创造良好的周边环境。在这个战略构想中,独联体集体安全组织将构成“稳定弧线”的骨架,俄罗斯与北约的关系是主要的突破方向,上海合作组织则为俄罗斯保持地区力量均衡、推动多极化提供战略依托。普京建立“稳定弧线”的对外政策能否成功,一方面,在很大程度上取决于美国的对俄政策和美国的整体外交政策,关键是俄罗斯能否获得它想从西方得到的东西;另一方面,取决于俄罗斯能否尽快摆脱危机,推动进一步的改革。  相似文献   
97.
ABSTRACT

This article analyses the creation of the Diplomatic and Consular Institute by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and conceptualises this new professional school of diplomacy as an “identity workspace” following the analysis of a cohort’s learning experience. This article aims to spark a debate from a practice perspective on diplomatic training as offered by Ministries of Foreign Affairs in Europe.  相似文献   
98.
自习近平成为中国领导人以来,在外交领域积极发挥关键性的领导作用,首脑外交已成为中国外交的最高形式。习近平外交思想强调党对外交工作的绝对领导,强调维护首脑对外交工作的核心领导。习近平主席对于中白合作的倡议得到卢卡申科总统的认同和支持,首脑外交已经成为中白“一带一路”合作快速发展的关键性因素。中白克服了空间距离远、产业合作条件不佳的困难,在白俄罗斯首都明斯克市郊建设中白工业园,并被纳入“一带一路”建设框架内,目前该项目的进展迅速。中国与白俄罗斯的“一带一路”合作是远高于一般意义上的经济合作,是一种基于政治互信的合作。从中白合作中我们得出一个结论:因势利导和差异性的合作形式是“一带一路”建设的新特点。“一带一路”绝不仅仅是一条交通物流走廊,更是一种全球经济合作的新模式,是中国参与经济全球化的一种制度创新。  相似文献   
99.
Based on a comparative case study of bilateral and multilateral donors, this article examines individual and institutional accountabilities among donor officers, implementing agencies, government officials and intended beneficiaries. It explores how multiple accountability demands interact, the extent to which they conflict, and how development actors mediate among them when they do. Institutionally there was substantial alignment of objectives and little goal conflict between international donors and the state; however, there was poor harmonisation across the many donors and numerous projects they were pursuing. There was greater variation within rather than between bilateral and multilateral donor chains, with perceived accountability differing more based on individuals’ positions within their organisation than by the type of organisation for whom they worked. Most informants cited multiple entities to whom they felt accountable. They more frequently acknowledged outward accountability when there existed formal accountability mechanisms, although intended beneficiary groups were conceptualised in different ways.  相似文献   
100.
Trade unions in Africa have become increasingly vocal in calling attention to the widening socio-economic inequalities that have accompanied global market integration across the continent. This article argues that, in their quest to challenge neoliberal policies, labour movements have contributed to processes of democratization in Africa by acting as instruments of political socialization for their members. Using survey data from respondents in 18 African countries, this article demonstrates an empirical relationship between trade union membership and political participation. The article finds that membership in a labour organization increases one’s propensity to participate in a range of political activities. Specifically, labour movements encourage participation by forging “participatory spillover effects”, which mobilize unionists across different arenas of the political landscape. Finally, the article finds that the effect of union membership on political participation is stronger in countries where unions maintain independence from ruling parties. This research contributes to literature on political participation across Africa and furthers our understanding of the role of labour movements in bottom-up processes of democratization on the continent.  相似文献   
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