对纪检监察学科建设问题的几点思考

纪检监察学科建设问题,是中国特色反腐倡廉理论与实践的重要内容,一直为理论界和实务部门所关注。在梳理学科建设现状的基础上,本文认为,纪检监察学科的名称定位为监督学,学科归属上,在当前及今后一个时期内,监督学应作为政治学的一个重要二级学科,但由于监督学科自身特点,最终应使其从政治学学科中独立出来发展为独立的一级学科。加强监督学科建设,应注重学科目录编制和学科人才培养问题。     

完善高校腐败治理领导体制的思考

高校纪委是负责高校反腐倡廉职责的专门机关,它在同级党委和上级纪委的双重领导下开展工作,承担着组织协调学校各部、处、室、院（系）等高校中层部门的反腐倡廉工作,也担负对学校党委、行政及校级领导干部行使权力过程进行监督的重任。目前,由于高校腐败治理的领导体制尚不完善,遏制了高校纪委职责的有效发挥。因此,要发挥纪委在高校反腐败工作中的积极作用,必须实行以垂直领导为主,学校党委协助领导为辅的领导体制。必须赋予学校纪委对学校建设和发展事项等重大决策的建议权和对校级干部任命的参与提名权、廉政考核权,对违法违纪线索初步核实权和向上级纪委独立报告权。要赋予学校纪委对学校中层干部廉政情况的一票否决权、违法违纪案件的独立调查权和移交决定权。还应赋予纪委对学校大额度资金使用、重大项目确定和实施的参与权和审计权。     

高校基层党组织深化运用监督执纪第一种形态问题研究——基于60所高校专职纪检监察干部的调研

监督执纪“四种形态”是全面从严治党的重要手段,是新形势下党建理论新成果的实践运用,是标本兼治的科学方法。高校基层党组织日常工作中面临的主要是第一种形态的运用问题。通过对60所高校91名纪检监察干部进行调查,发现高校基层党组织在运用第一种形态方面一定程度上存在不想用、不敢用、不会用、不认真用的问题。解决这些问题,重点要以思想自觉和责任自觉提升行动自觉,确保第一种形态运用落地;要以制度建设推进运用常态化,确保第一种形态用得规范得当;要以能力建设推进运用用好用准,确保第一种形态运用质量;要硬化闭环工作机制,确保第一种形态用出实效。     

The Albanian approach to municipal borrowing: From centralized control to market discipline

Local governments (LGs) in transitional countries face pressing infrastructure needs, which, given the severe shortcomings of traditional funding, make a strong case for debt financing. This article explores the case study of Albania, using document analysis and interviews with mayors, civil servants, citizens and investors. We go beyond an analysis of technical aspects (macroeconomic conditions and legal constraints on borrowing) to include ‘soft’ elements (political and managerial issues, attitudes of key actors), with the aim of highlighting the approach adopted under current policies and the approach that should be adopted. Favorable macroeconomic conditions and the completeness of the legal framework have motivated policy‐makers to choose the market model. Their aim is to develop the financial market rapidly; however, the development of sound management systems at the local level is largely ignored. We argue that the role of managerial capacities, public accountability and professional mechanisms is not adequately taken into account. Future policies need to make the best use of some early experiences of public participation and build upon the extensive training in accounting and auditing issues provided to local civil servants in order to exploit other models of municipal borrowing control. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Voter reaction to legislator dissent across political systems

Research shows that legislators who dissent from the political line of their party are rewarded among constituents. This raises concerns about future party cohesiveness and, in turn, parties’ ability to govern and voters' ability to hold parties accountable. However, nearly all studies are conducted in single-member district systems, such as the United States and United Kingdom, which are generally considered most-likely settings for observing such effects. In this note, we conduct a country comparative study of voter reaction to legislator dissent across single-member and multi-member district systems (US, UK and Denmark). Building off existing theories, we argue that voters in multi-member districts also reward legislator dissent but that the reward is significantly weaker. We support this argument with observational and experimental data. Our results suggest that concerns regarding party governance and accountability associated with legislator party dissent extend to—but are less pertinent in—the more widespread multi-member district systems.     

论提高劳动法学科地位的必要性和基本思路

劳动法学有其独立的调整对象和独立的法律部门地位.劳动法对劳动关系的调整在我国现阶段具有非常重要的意义,而我国劳动法律体系的建立和实施也亟需提升劳动法学研究和教育水平.现行劳动法学的学科设置难以满足社会对劳动法学研究和人才教育的需求,因此需要适时提高和调整劳动法的学科地位和学科设置.     

The Impossibility of Party Unity in Peru: Party Affiliation,Subnational Electoral Competition and Party Discipline (2011–2019)

Party division in Peru is a constant event and has become an expected feature of Peruvian parliamentary politics. For instance, in 2016, the elected Congress was composed of six parliamentary groups, and at the moment of its dissolution, that number doubled. This article explores the factors that produce such rapid division in the Peruvian Congress during two parliamentary periods (2011–2016, 2016–2019). It argues, through quantitative analysis, that there is a direct and negative relationship between the fragmentation of parliamentary groups and party discipline due to party affiliation and the dynamics of subnational party competition.