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111.
This paper contributes to the environmental justice literature by addressing several outstanding issues in a single study. Using a cross-time data set that allows us to control for the prevalent "chicken-and-egg" or "which-came-first" problem, we analyze the relative importance of poverty and race/ethnicity in an analysis that includes economic costs, potential legal costs, and potential collective action. Because the most appropriate functional form is not obvious, we use several methods, including Tobit, Poisson, and ordinary least squares, on different forms of the dependent variable. In every case, controlling for the population present at the time of disamenity location and controlling the other factors mentioned, we find evidence of disproportionate collocation based on race/ethnicity, but not on poverty alone. We also find that the potential for collective action decreases the likelihood of receipt of the studied disamenities. 相似文献
112.
Overcoming resistance to resistance in public administration: Resistance strategies of marginalized publics in citizen‐state interactions
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Muhammad Azfar Nisar 《公共行政管理与发展》2018,38(1):15-25
There has been a general resistance to resistance studies in public administration (PA) research. Although previous research has documented instances of selective policy implementation by PA practitioners that put minority groups at a comparative disadvantage, we still have a limited understanding of the different ways in which these groups contest discriminatory administrative practices especially within non‐western developing countries. To address this gap, in this article, I discuss the various strategic responses the Khawaja Sira—a genderqueer group of Pakistan—employ in their interactions with the frontline police workers to contest their hyper‐surveillance and moral policing. The discussion illustrates that while Khawaja Sira mostly rely on individual acts of contestation in their interactions with police officers, the emerging leadership of the Khawaja Sira is enabling emergence of new forms of resistance based on social capital and collective protests. In addition to contributing to the limited literature on citizen perspectives and LGBT issues in PA research, the theoretical framework of resistance presented here can serve as a good template to analyze citizen responses to discriminatory frontline practice in other sociopolitical contexts as well. 相似文献
113.
Eugene Tartakovsky 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(5):654-671
This article investigates the cultural identities of adolescent immigrants in the pre-migration period and during the first
3 years after immigration. The target population consists of high-school Jewish adolescents from Russia and Ukraine participating
in an Israeli immigration program. In this program, Jewish adolescents immigrate to Israel without their parents, live in
kibbutzim and boarding schools, and study in Israeli schools. Participants filled out questionnaires four times: half a year
before their departure from the homeland and once a year for three consecutive years after their arrival to Israel. Changes
in the cultural identities during immigration were curvilinear. Three stages were distinguished: devaluation of the homeland
and idealization of the country of immigration in the pre-migration period, disillusionment with the receiving country and
strengthening of the homeland cultural identity in the first year after immigration, and the formation of an inconsistent
bi-cultural identity in the later post-migration period. Throughout the entire post-migration period, immigrants’ attitude
towards the receiving country was more positive than their attitude towards their homeland; however, immigrants’ sense of
belonging to the homeland was stronger than their sense of belonging to the receiving country. Pre-migration cultural identities
and perceived discrimination in the receiving country predicted post-migration cultural identities of immigrants. Immigrant
adolescents from ethnically homogenous Jewish families had a less positive attitude towards Russia/Ukraine, a more positive
attitude towards Israel, and a weaker sense of belonging to Russia/Ukraine as compared to immigrants from ethnically mixed
families.
相似文献
Eugene TartakovskyEmail: |
114.
This study presents an innovative field experiment exploring ethnic discrimination in contacts between local public officials and members of Swedish society. Using a correspondence study design, fictitious individuals with Arabic- and Swedish-sounding names contacted Swedish municipalities via email, asking questions about access to preschools. The findings indicate disadvantageous treatment of individuals with Arabic-sounding names in terms of the informal tone of the replies, as Swedish-sounding names were replied to in a friendlier, more welcoming way. Regarding the more formal aspects of the emails – i.e., whether they were replied to at all and the questions posed were directly answered – no statistically significant signs of discrimination emerge (although differences were of some substantial size, to the disadvantage of Arabic-sounding names). Still, informal disadvantageous treatment is sufficient cause for concern and noteworthy in the case of Sweden, considering its reputation as being egalitarian, immigration friendly and democratically well functioning. 相似文献
115.
Claudia Fournier Louise Hamelin Brabant Sophie Dupéré Line Chamberland 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2018,16(3):331-350
This integrative literature review synthesizes recent empirical knowledge about lesbian and gay immigrants' post-migration experiences. Twenty-four studies with various designs are included. The literature shows that those immigrants encounter some opportunities but also many challenges on economical, social and identity levels, thus soliciting coping strategies. Results are synthesized under five topics: the delicate situation in which they find themselves for revealing their lesbian or gay sexual orientation; the racist and homophobic discrimination they can experience; their renegotiation of socioeconomic status; the identity and affiliation challenges they have to overcome; and the hardships that can impact their health. 相似文献
116.
Literature on diaspora engagement policies, transnational and extra-territorial citizenship has painted the increasing recognition of dual nationality and the extension of state policies to the diaspora as a signal of states leaving behind the paradigms of exclusive nationality and residence as conditions to exercise citizenship. In doing this, this literature tends to treat citizenship and nationality as synonyms. By analysing the citizenship policies of 22 Latin American and Caribbean states towards their nationals who reside abroad and/or acquire another nationality, we add key nuances to such consideration: nationality and citizenship may relate to different legal statuses – with important consequences for migrants – and there might be differences also between the citizen rights of nationals by origin and of nationals by naturalization. In particular, we show that citizenship and nationality interact in different ways when it comes to the preservation of rights for emigrants: the distinctions allow restricting the portability of citizenship rights for nationals by birth, and other groups of nationals, depending on the exclusivity, and origin, of their national belonging. These distinctions tell a potentially different story of how citizenship is conceived of by states as they approach the challenges of membership and participation posed by emigration, and paint a less rosy picture with regard to the demise of exclusive nationality. 相似文献
117.
纪元 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(5):94-96
资金是企业的血液,金融市场是企业重要的外部环境。我国目前金融业的垄断与对中小企业的融资歧视使其只能具有短期化行为,从而进一步恶化日益尖锐的劳动关系。 相似文献
118.
反倾销法的性质与演进之分析--从WTO竞争法设立的角度 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
反倾销法属于贸易法的范畴还是竞争法的范畴取决于对反倾销法的本质与功能的认识。从本质上来说,由于反倾销法是调整跨国竞争关系的法律规范,应属于竞争法的范畴,但由于它所具有的贸易保护主义的功用,又经常被认定为贸易法的组成部分。当经济的全球化发展要求在WTO框架下设立独立的竞争规则的时候,反倾销法应回归到竞争法中去,以利于国际竞争法整体规则的建立,并从根本上解决目前反倾销理论及运用中所产生的各种问题。 相似文献
119.
JAMES D. UNNEVER 《犯罪学》2008,46(2):511-538
Analyzing The Washington Post, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, and Harvard University 2006 African American Survey, the current project focuses on three related issues. First, I examine whether African Americans and whites share a common “sensibility” or “cognitive landscape” when considering why African‐American men are disproportionately imprisoned. Second, the current research investigates whether the sensibilities held by African Americans and whites are collectively held. Third, I investigate whether the relative subordinate position of African Americans—as manifested in their personal experiences with racial discrimination—shapes the opinions that they have about why black men are disproportionately incarcerated. Findings reveal that African Americans and whites significantly differ in their opinions about why black men are imprisoned. They also show that deep divisions exist among whites, whereas African Americans tend to share a common sensibility as to why black males are disproportionately incarcerated. The results reveal that the cognitive landscape that African Americans collectively hold about why black men are incarcerated is shaped by their personal experiences with racial discrimination. 相似文献
120.
曹菲 《云南大学学报(法学版)》2008,21(6):104-111
区分刑事犯、行政犯的标准不具有可操作性,无论是以伦理道德的标准还是以生活秩序的标准,都无法明确划清二者的界限。区分刑事犯、行政犯是德日为解决本国立法背景下的特定问题而创制的理论,在我国当前的刑事立法模式下,区分二者并无现实意义。行政犯的故意成立原则上也不需要违法性认识,对刑事犯和行政犯在敌意的认识因素上应适用统一标准。 相似文献