“国粹”与“种姓”：章太炎与连雅堂“语文”思想之比较

在二十世纪初期文化民族主义的大背景下比较了章太炎与连雅堂的语文思想,指出了章太炎"以国粹激动种姓"的语文思想与连雅堂"发扬种姓"、"继绝存亡"的文学观的相同思想背景,并结合大陆与台湾语文运动的具体语境分析了章、连二人与大陆及台湾新语文运动的互动关系.     

Digital media and political opposition in authoritarian systems: Russia’s 2011 and 2016 Duma elections

The ability of authoritarian regimes to maintain power hinges, in part, on how well they are able to manipulate the flow of information to the masses. While authoritarian states have had success controlling traditional media, the growth of social media over the last decade has created new challenges for such regimes. The Russian experience offers an example of how an authoritarian regime responds to this potential threat. Because of the massive demonstrations surrounding the 2011–2012 Duma elections, the ruling Russian government suspected that social media provided a significant impetus for the demonstrations. Social media, through its dissemination of opposition blogs, could have helped drive negative attitudes about the governing party. As such, the government responded by employing strategies to tighten their grip on the digital flow of information. We use survey data to demonstrate that exposure to blogs via social media at the time of the demonstrations led many to believe that the elections were fraudulent. Ultimately, we contend that Russian fears concerning the importance of social media for the fomenting of opposition movements is well grounded. Social media can drive support for opposition in an autocratic state.     

入声字的读音规律及其在语文教学中的运用

中国古代诗词特别讲究音韵、声调和节奏的美感。但是,现在用普通话读古诗词有很多不押韵或节奏不和谐之处,客观上造成了对古诗词美感的破坏。这是由于历史的变迁,古代以中原音韵为官话通用语言的发音系统,现在被普通话语音所取代。中原音韵中的平、上、去、入四声,变为普通话中的阴、阳、上、去四声。其中,入声字的读音规律对古诗词的解读影响极大,尤其应引起语文教学者的注意。为使中华民族的优秀文化得以继承、流传和发扬,语文教学中应该注意对此种现象的讲解。     

现代新诗主体意识群及其意象表现

现代新诗的主体意识群由人道主义意识、悲观主义意识、忧患意识与光明意识组成,它们构成了现代新诗的全部内涵价值。诗人用前所未有、开阔丰富的主体意识抒发诗情,以丰赡的意象群体作相应的表现,开拓了新诗的生存与发展空间,形成了现代新诗异彩纷呈的流派与诗歌创作的实践形态与局面。     

晚唐诗·新月诗·朦胧诗--试论中国诗语"意"、"象"的非一致性特征

晚唐诗以“意”、“象”的不确定性带来了诗歌艺术的朦胧之美 ,开创了中国诗歌创作的另一境界。 2 0世纪初的新月诗在形式上与晚唐诗有极大不同 ,可诗的“境”、“意”的非一致性仍是主要的特征。 2 0世纪末的朦胧诗 ,更加努力加大“意”、“象”的这种距离感 ,以增加诗的多元和多层次性 ,更具有一种立体解读的要求。     

陈廷焯和《白雨斋词话》

陈廷焯著撰《白雨斋词话》,扬弃浙西词派,发展张惠言、庄棫之旨,提出“沉郁”说。在晚清词学界,其说可与王国维的“境界”说及况周颐的“重、拙、大”说鼎足而三,故陈氏当堪称说词大家。     

R.S. Thomas: Ministering Otherness

This article is built around a deeply personal `response to text' –of a poem in response to a poem, where both deal with notions of identity. For myself, writing poetry is a cathartic (though infrequent) source of resolution; a space subject to different constraints from those present in the production of analytic scholarship. A consideration of the broader ideological matrix at work behind the poems suggests links between nationhood and language, class and religion, private and public identity, history and politics. Vast subjects, explored but briefly in the thoughts and notes produced for this article as `background' to the story of the poem cited at the end. For legal and political theory it is a reminder of the delicate interstices of influences traversed in any assertion concerning broad policy. As `scholar' I am constrained in the provision of any further assessment of my own process as `poet': what is provided attempts honesty. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Mapurbe Identity and Admapu in David Aniñir's Poetry

This article proposes a reading of David Aniñir's poetry that examines how he resignifies elements pertaining to admapu or Mapuche norms and practices in the metropolis. Aniñir is an urban Mapuche poet who lives in Santiago, Chile and displays interest in recovering his roots. While he defies preconceptions about indigenous peoples in his poetry, he includes Mapuche culture in his depiction of mapurbe identity. In his writing, Aniñir incorporates Mapuche key concepts and social roles such as yeyipun (prayer), pewma (dreams), werken (messenger), ngenpin (ritual speaker) and machi (spiritual authority and shaman), giving them new meanings within the urban context.     

The fly in the ointment? Chinese dissent and US–China relations

After the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989 many Chinese pro-democracy activists have been able to settle in the USA. They have attempted to federate all the opposition forces overseas in an organization which aimed at influencing the US government’s policy toward China. However, plagued by factionalism, the opposition in exile has not been able to put to an efficient use the capital of sympathy that it enjoyed at the time of Tiananmen. After the failure of political organizations, Chinese dissidents have created NGOs which are regularly consulted by the Administration and the Congress. Since the mid-eighties, they represent a substantial factor in the making of American policy towards China.