鄱阳湖生态经济区环保法制建设研究

环保法制建设对实现鄱阳湖生态经济区科学发展、和谐发展有着重要的战略意义和现实意义。目前,鄱阳湖生态经济区的法律体系还不健全,一些重要的法律制度尚未建立。本文从鄱阳湖生态经济区的环境现状着手,对鄱阳湖生态经济区法制现状与存在的问题以及环保法制建设在生态经济区的地位进行分析,并在此基础上提出了完善鄱阳湖生态经济区环保法律制度的建议。     

回族群体心理与我国经济民事法律的相互作用

回族全民信仰伊斯兰教,他们遵循的<古兰经>和伊斯兰教教法,与我国经济民事法律的-些内容有着较大的相似性,无论是婚姻家庭关系、财产继承法则,还是商业法则、税务法则都如此,所以,回族群体心理在生产、生活中的行为都有着特定的规范,他们对我国的经济民事法律中的认同程度相对较高,当然,其中有一定的宗教原因.但是,无论如何,这对于<经济民事法>的宣传贯彻有较为积极的一面.     

中部地区优化经济发展环境与加强行政法制建设研究

在中部地区招商引资被视为承接产业转移的重要节点。现阶段,我国土地资源日趋紧张,政策优惠激烈竞争,良好的投资环境是促进经济发展、承接产业转移的关键所在,而良好的投资环境又依赖于行政法制建设的程度。本文立足中部地区,分析了行政法制建设与经济发展环境不相协调的诸多因素并针对中部地区优化经济发展环境提出了相应的建议。     

Long Term Influences of Age–Education Transition on the Brazilian Labour Market

The objective of this study is to estimate the long term mean earnings of the male Brazilian population, taking into account the ageing process of the population and the increase in educational attainment. Using census data, household sample surveys, as well as population and education projections, estimates indicate that an ageing population and an increase in education will have a 2 percent impact on the annual growth of an average income in Brazil by 2050. The challenge for the future is to improve the proportion of the Brazilian population with completed college degrees.     

精神分析在经济人类学中的展布

以“无意识”为最基本假设和理论核心而展开的精神分析 ,体现出致力于人的状况改善的基本精神 ,把“认识你自己”这一知识的本质问题 ,从“人是万物的尺度”深化到“什么是人的尺度”问题上。为人的自我理解和对世界的理解寻求一种更加全面的视野 ;为从心理分析走向更为广泛的文化分析开辟了道路 ,让人类重返精神的家园。这一学说的批判性意义 ,为经济人类学透过经济的物质性功能而去追寻其本原的意义 ,提供了有力的理论支持。同时 ,从精神分析角度提出货币的象征性涵义假说、对货币存在的一系列悖论关系的联结 ,把货币分析引向一条历史理解的道路 ,提示人们去关注货币存在中的权力因素 ,为我们理解货币象征存在形式的物质化过程 ,提供了一条重要的线索     

以西部大开发为契机,调整所有制结构,发展非公有制经济,实现甘肃经济腾飞

所有制形式及其结构 ,是由一个社会生产力发展水平决定的。甘肃的生产力发展水平在全国比较落后 ,一个重要的原因是所有制结构不合理、形式单一 ,非公有制经济发展滞后。甘肃要实现经济腾飞 ,就必须以西部大开发为契机 ,调整所有制结构 ,大力发展非公有制经济。     

发展民族文化产业是云南经济结构调整的理性选择

民族文化产业是云南经济结构调整中的优势产业。当前 ,我国经济正步入新的发展阶段 ,经济结构面临着重大的战略性调整。云南作为中西部欠发达的少数民族地区 ,同样面临着结构调整问题。在西部大开发中 ,如何做好产业选择 ,找到特色 ,增强云南经济的竞争力 ,是云南经济发展的关键。发展民族文化产业 ,是云南经济结构调整的理性选择之一。     

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights at Seventy: Rejuvenate or Retire?*

This lecture marks the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) with an analysis of the Declaration's contemporary relevance. It considers whether, in today's turbulent and fractured political environment in which human rights abuses remain widespread, the UDHR still has a role to play. A case is made that the UDHR was, in fact, written precisely for a moment like now. The lecture starts by considering the important legal impact of the UDHR, whilst acknowledging that the legal enforcement of human rights sometimes overshadows the emotions of care and empathy that lie at the heart of both the Declaration and the whole concept of human rights. It then emphasises the significant role the UDHR has played in giving individuals a voice to hold states accountable. Finally, it explores the UDHR's ethical and inspirational vision that helped to create a baseline of norms and standards aimed at promoting diversity, mutual respect and peace. For all these reasons, the UDHR most certainly needs to be rejuvenated rather than retired.     

Economic grievances and political protest

How do economic grievances affect citizens’ inclination to protest? Given rising levels of inequality and widespread economic hardship in the aftermath of the Great Recession, this question is crucial for political science: if adverse economic conditions depress citizens’ engagement, as many contributions have argued, then the economic crisis may well feed into a crisis of democracy. However, the existing research on the link between economic grievances and political participation remains empirically inconclusive. It is argued in this article that this is due to two distinct shortcomings, which are effectively addressed by combining the strengths of political economy and social movement theories. Based on ESS and EU-SILC data from 2006–2012, as well as newly collected data on political protest in 28 European countries, a novel, more fine-grained conceptualisation of objective economic grievances considerably improves our understanding of the direct link between economic grievances and protest behaviour. While structural economic disadvantage (i.e., the level of grievances) unambiguously de-mobilises individuals, the deterioration of economic prospects (i.e., a change in grievances) instead increases political activity. Revealing these two countervailing effects provides an important clarification that helps reconcile many seemingly conflicting findings in the existing literature. Second, the article shows that the level of political mobilisation substantially moderates this direct link between individual hardship and political activity. In a strongly mobilised environment, even structural economic disadvantage is no longer an impediment to political participation. There is a strong political message in this interacting factor: if the presence of organised and visible political action is a decisive signal for citizens that conditions the micro-level link between economic grievances and protest, then democracy itself – that is, organised collective action – can help sustain political equality and prevent the vicious circle of democratic erosion.     

Political support among winners and losers: Within- and between-country effects of structure,process and performance in Europe

Why is the winner-loser gap in political support wider in some countries and narrower in others? Previous studies have focused on how the input side of political systems (i.e., the institutional structure) affects the winner-loser gap. This study suggests that one should also consider the output side (i.e., the quality of political process and economic performance) and posits that two mechanisms – rational and psychological – can explain how output factors affect the gap. Going beyond previous research, this article also considers whether contextual characteristics explain the variation in the gap not only between countries, but also within them. Applying mixed models to survey data from 30 European countries between 2002 and 2015, the study finds that the differences in support between winners and losers across countries are smaller in consensual systems, as in these contexts the support among losers is higher. However, changes in the institutional structure do not explain the over-time variation in the winner-loser gap. Moreover, increasing quality of process and economic performance do not attenuate the gap across countries and over time, as they affect positively the political support of both winners and losers. The study shows which contextual factors explain the winner-loser gap and points to the conditions that increase losers’ consent, which is a crucial element of democratic legitimacy.