Income inequality,electoral systems and party polarisation

This study analyses why income inequality and party polarisation proceed together in some countries but not in others. By focusing on the relationship between income inequality, the permissiveness of electoral systems and party polarisation, the study offers a theoretical explanation for how the combination of income inequality and permissive electoral systems generates higher party polarisation. After analysing a cross‐national dataset of party polarisation, income inequality and electoral institutions covering 24 advanced democracies between 1960 and 2011, it is found that a simple correlation between income inequality and party polarisation is not strong. However, the empirical results indicate that greater income inequality under permissive electoral systems contributes to growing party polarisation, which suggests that parties only have diverging ideological platforms due to greater income inequality when electoral systems encourage their moves towards the extreme; parties do not diverge when electoral systems discourage their moves towards the extreme.     

The Remorseless Power of Incumbency in Fiji’s September 2014 Election

Abstract

Fiji’s September 2014 election was the first since the military takeover of December 2006 and the first under a new open list proportional representation system. It proved a landslide victory for coup leader turned Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama’s FijiFirst Party. This was a ‘competitive authoritarian’ election, characterised by careful controls over media outlets, manipulation of rules regarding political parties and candidate nominations, and selective use of state finances to harass opponents. It was a genuine contest only in so far as the government could control the process. The outcome demonstrates the potency of incumbency in Fiji, which was also an important factor in the country’s previous post-coup elections in 1992 and 2001.     

城乡平等原则与我国人大代表选举的发展趋向

十七大报告确立的“城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表”原则，既符合宪法中的选举权平等权原则，也适应了我宪政发展的实践，必将对我国的宪政建设有着深远的影响。将来的《选举法》的修改，就是逐步实现城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表的目标。     

改革完善选举制度,扩大公民有序政治参与

公民政治参与是现代社会民主制度赖以存在的基础,也是民主政治的特征之一。选举是公民政治参与的重要形式,改革完善人大选举制度和村民委员会选举制度,对于发展社会主义民主政治,保证人民当家作主具有重要意义。     

刍议废除审判委员会制度的可行性

审判委员会制度作为一项独具中国特色的审判制度,其确立有着深厚的历史背景、理论背景和特定司法背景。毋庸置疑,审判委员会制度在讨论重大、复杂、疑难案件,确保案件质量,实现公平公正等方面确实起到了一定作用。但是,随着司法改革进程的推进和法治社会的逐渐形成,审判委员会制度所存在的一系列弊端越来越引起理论界和实务界的广泛关注。各专家学者和实务界人士都纷纷对审判委员会的职能进行了深入的反思,让人们重新审视审判委员会的存在、组成及其功能;也使有关审判委员会制度的存与废,再次成为焦点话题。同时,他们对此制度的存废评价亦莫衷一是,主要有"废除论"、"维持论"和"改革论"三种观点。笔者认为,由于现行审判委员会制度违背了司法独立、司法公正与司法公开等原则,而且在司法实践中也存在着效率低下、案件质量不高、执法不公甚至司法腐败等种种弊端,因而应该废除审判委员会制度。     

Back in Contention? The Conservatives' Electoral Prospects

This article assesses whether the Conservatives are likely to be serious contenders for power at the next British general election. First it assesses how well the party will have to do to 'win' the election. Second, it considers whether the record of the polls since 2005 suggests the party is capable of securing the necessary support. Third, the article assesses whether the ideological mood of the electorate has moved closer to the Conservatives since 2005. Finally it considers whether the image of the party has improved.
The Conservatives are likely to have to outpoll Labour by a considerable margin to become the largest party but their record in opinion polls suggests they could achieve this. The ideological mood of the electorate has moved closer to the party, while David Cameron is a relatively popular leader. But the party has still not fully restored its reputation for economic competence.     

Crossing Party Lines: Volatility and Ticket Splitting in Mexico (1994–2000)

This article aims to amplify our portrait of the Mexican electorate by examining the ways in which Mexican electors distributed their votes among the parties during 1994–2000, both over successive elections (volatility) and in the same election (ballot splitting). Aggregate and survey data revealed that Mexicans engaged in these two forms of electoral behaviour frequently, indicators of an electorate in flux. Regression analysis indicated that, contrary to the expectation that the politically sophisticated differentiated their votes, virtually all parts of Mexican society were equally likely to switch parties and split tickets.     

行纪中的给付障碍和法律救济——兼论《合同法》相关规则的问题及解决

对应于行纪之三人法律关系,在给付障碍的问题上,亦应当区分三个层面,即行纪人与第三人之间之实行行为层面的给付障碍,行纪人与委托人之间之行纪关系层面的给付障碍,以及行纪人与委托人之间之清算了结关系层面的给付障碍。在第一个层面,需要建立第三人损害清算制度,以此突破法律关系相对性的限制;在第二个层面,适用债法的一般性法律制度,通常为行纪法规制的重点;在第三个层面,需要正确认识行纪人的交付义务与佣金请求权和费用偿还请求权之间的法律关系,即交付义务与佣金请求权之间存在关联关系,而与费用偿还请求权则不具有关连性。委托人在主张权利方面,必须注意承认拟制和时效方面的限制。     

建立协作区:乡镇纪委制度革新的可行路径

作为纪检监察系统中不可或缺的组成部分——乡镇纪委,是推动农村基层党风廉政建设最积极、最重要、最现实的力量。但在现实生活中,乡镇纪委履职不充分,甚至被虚置的现象较为普遍。问题存在的根源在于乡镇纪委的纪检监察职能与乡镇政权运行现状常相冲突,乡镇纪委对各纪委委员的管理缺乏有效的制度支撑。要改变乡镇纪委目前的履职困境,可采取建立协作区的方式,整合资源,创新机制,加强监管与考评,真正将基层党风廉政建设落到实处、取得实效。     

The September 2013 Regional Elections in Russia: The Worst of Both Worlds

The September 2013 elections in the regions of Russia resulted in victories of the major pro-government party, United Russia, in 16 regional legislative elections, and brought success to incumbent chief executives in eight gubernatorial elections. However, the apparent recovery of United Russia from the trauma of the 2011 national legislative elections stemmed not so much from its increased popularity in the electorate, but rather from its ability to engage in manipulative vote-splitting strategies against the opposition. The rules of candidate nomination in gubernatorial elections were so restrictive that most of these elections could not be characterized as truly competitive.