全文获取类型
收费全文 | 686篇 |
免费 | 43篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 29篇 |
世界政治 | 51篇 |
外交国际关系 | 72篇 |
法律 | 162篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 75篇 |
政治理论 | 182篇 |
综合类 | 122篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 18篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 16篇 |
2020年 | 35篇 |
2019年 | 30篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 45篇 |
2016年 | 49篇 |
2015年 | 23篇 |
2014年 | 43篇 |
2013年 | 107篇 |
2012年 | 36篇 |
2011年 | 24篇 |
2010年 | 28篇 |
2009年 | 27篇 |
2008年 | 28篇 |
2007年 | 33篇 |
2006年 | 34篇 |
2005年 | 33篇 |
2004年 | 26篇 |
2003年 | 17篇 |
2002年 | 20篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有729条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
591.
From Lab Experiments to Real Negotiations: An Investigation of International Iron Ore Negotiations
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Negotiation Journal》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Lin Zhang 《Negotiation Journal》2018,34(1):69-87
Negotiation researchers have conducted a large number of experimental lab studies to identify the factors that affect negotiation outcomes, but it remains unclear whether those results can be generalized to real‐world negotiations. To explore this question, we analyzed the dynamic international iron ore annual negotiations that took place from 2005 to 2009. We found evidence that supports two important findings from previous experiments. Specifically, we focused on the impact of negotiators’ best alternatives and first offers on negotiation prices using multiple case study analysis. We found that iron ore prices increased more when the gap between the previous year's negotiated price and the price on the alternative spot market, a public market in which commodities are traded for immediate delivery, was larger, which suggested that buyers were sensitive to the strength of this alternative, supporting the literature on the role of alternatives. We also found that the first offer price significantly influenced the final price. Our findings extend two important experimental findings from the negotiation literature to large‐scale business negotiations in the real world. 相似文献
592.
Brian P. Daly Richard Q. Shin Charu Thakral Michael Selders Elizabeth Vera 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(1):63-74
In this study we examined the effects of risk factors (perceived neighborhood crime/delinquency problems, neighborhood incivilities)
and protective factors (teacher support, family support, peer support) on the school engagement of 123 urban adolescents of
color. Age and gender were also examined to determine if different ages (younger or older) or genders (male or female) significantly
modified the relationship between the risk factors and school engagement. Results indicated that perceived neighborhood incivilities
was uniquely predictive of school engagement. Contrary to hypotheses, different levels of the perceived social support variables
did not modify the effects of risky neighborhood conditions on adolescent’s perceived school engagement. Age, but not gender,
significantly modified the relationship between perceived family social support and perceived neighborhood crime on adolescents’
reported levels of school engagement. The implications of the results for prevention and intervention programs that address
school engagement among early adolescents of color are considered.
相似文献
Brian P. DalyEmail: |
593.
AbstractOne of the main criticisms of direct democracy is that it places excessive demands on voters. Are citizens competent enough to vote directly on policy issues? When stakes are high, do citizens mainly follow elites’ signals or do they decide in line with their issue preferences? This article addresses these questions in a multi-method setting by combining observational and experimental data from an original three-wave panel survey conducted during the 2016 Italian constitutional referendum. In particular, Finite Mixture Models are employed to model voters’ heterogeneous strategies of information processing. Findings show that heuristic voting based on government evaluation prevails over policy-related voting. More specifically, less politically sophisticated and partisan voters relied on government assessment as a heuristic, while sophisticated and independent voters based their decisions mostly on their assessment of the reform. Implications for the question of citizens’ competence in direct democracy are discussed. 相似文献
594.
卢少峰 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2014,(5):117-125
证据制度类型的研究日渐成为学界的关注点,众多学说的背后既隐藏了对权力滥用的担忧,也显现出证据制度类型界定的“漂移”现象:概念批量生产造成理论混乱、理论界定与司法实践严重脱节。诸多学说并未真正突破法定证据与自由心证的二元类型框架,中国实质上应被纳入自由心证的制度范畴。但“谁的心证”和“如何自由”则需结合中国司法场域的运行实践,进一步认真追问。 相似文献
595.
Andrew W. Bausch 《国际相互影响》2018,44(1):1-32
Coup-proofing occurs when a leader arranges his military to prevent military leaders from overthrowing him. However, coup-proofing often has the additional effect of lowering the military’s effectiveness in conflict. This article discusses coup-proofing in the context of the Nouri al-Maliki’s regime in Iraq before presenting two formal models. The first model shows when coups are possible, leaders select military commanders with lower ability but higher loyalty. The second model shows that when coups are possible, leaders rotate their military commanders to prevent any one commander from becoming too powerful. The article then presents experimental tests of the models. The results of these laboratory experiments show that leaders are more likely to select loyal commanders or rotate their commanders under the coup treatment relative to groups with no leadership turnover or with leadership turnover according to elections. Thus, when faced with the possibility of a coup, leaders intentionally lower their military effectiveness. This article captures the dynamics behind a fundamental inefficiency introduced into groups when leadership is valuable, delegation is necessary, and powerful subordinates can remove the leader from office. 相似文献
596.
597.
LINDA BOS CHRISTIAN SCHEMER NICOLETA CORBU MICHAEL HAMELEERS IOANNIS ANDREADIS ANNE SCHULZ DESIRÉE SCHMUCK CARSTEN REINEMANN NAYLA FAWZI 《European Journal of Political Research》2020,59(1):3-24
This article investigates the impact of populist messages on issue agreement and readiness for action in 15 countries (N = 7,286). Specifically, populist communicators rely on persuasive strategies by which social group cues become more salient and affect people's judgment of and political engagement with political issues. This strategy is called ‘populist identity framing’ because the ordinary people as the in-group is portrayed as being threatened by various out-groups. By blaming political elites for societal or economic problems harming ordinary people, populist communicators engage in anti-elitist identity framing. Another strategy is to blame immigrants for social problems – that is, exclusionist identity framing. Finally, right-wing political actors combine both cues and depict an even more threatening situation of the ordinary people as the in-group. Based on social identity theory, an experimental study in 15 European countries shows that most notably the anti-elitist identity frame has the potential to persuade voters. Additionally, relative deprivation makes recipients more susceptible to the mobilising impact of the populist identity frames. 相似文献
598.
Renaud Metereau 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(5):801-821
AbstractBased on qualitative research conducted in three regions of Nicaragua, this paper examines the contribution of the communitarian approach to the new rurality in understanding the orientation and tensions within the peasant cooperative movement. The thematic analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews carried out with members of grassroots cooperatives reveals two main categories of motivation for engagement within the cooperative movement. A first set of motivations shows the will to transform the productive structures through small producer organisations to better adapt to the challenges imposed by global economic integration. A second set of motivations highlights broader socio-political objectives that seem to crystallise around the desire to build long-term alternatives to the exclusionary process of neoliberal globalisation. I explore these motivations in light of the distinction between reformist and communitarian approaches to the new rurality. I outline that the articulation of these two approaches, and more particularly the contribution of the communitarian approach, makes it possible to better understand the tensions within the cooperative movement in regard to socio-economic challenges. On this basis I call for a greater consideration of the communitarian dimensions of the new rurality to better define the role of the state, public policies and non-governmental organisations in supporting these phenomena. 相似文献
599.
Danielle L. Lupton 《国际相互影响》2018,44(1):59-87
How do leaders develop reputations for resolve across repeated interactions? While scholars find that leaders can acquire individual reputations for resolve, we know relatively little about how these leader-specific reputations form to begin with. This article examines how leaders develop reputations for resolve from the very beginning of their tenures and present three key hypotheses regarding these leader-specific reputations. First, statements are more influential to reputational assessments during initial interactions. Second, statements create expectations of future behavior, which interact with a leader’s subsequent actions to influence reputation development. Third, initial perceptions of resolve significantly condition later assessments. Through a process tracing survey experiment, I find evidence that resolute statements are more substantively influential during early interactions. I also find early perceptions of resolve do significantly influence later perceptions. Furthermore, statements create expectations of future behavior, and it is by meeting or defying these expectations that a leader’s reputation for resolve is improved or injured within the experiment. These results remain robust even when controlling for contextual factors, including state characteristics. The implications of these findings for both scholars and policy makers are discussed, and this study illustrates how individual leaders develop these reputations for resolve across interactions. 相似文献
600.
渤海油田漏油事故法律问题分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
渤海油田漏油事故造成了极为严重的环境污染,对海洋生态环境、海洋资源均产生严重影响。在此事件中,海洋局并未及时主动公开这一突发性的环境污染事件,应依法承担相应的行政责任,而事故责任人应承担相应的民事责任,包括但不限于清理油污、赔偿海洋生态损害、渔业资源损害、渔民损失等,海洋局和渔业部门可代表国家对事故责任人提供环境民事公益诉讼。检察机关亦应追究事故责任人的刑事责任。 相似文献