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31.
侵权法的局限性催生了环境责任保险,而传统侵权理论对环境责任保险正当性的质疑是站不住脚的,它阻碍了环境责任保险的发展.事实上,环境责任保险制度把环境民事责任与合同契约责任有机联系起来,弥补了侵权行为法在环境侵权领域的局限性,适应了时代发展的要求,不仅不违反道德规范,不会导致个人责任没落,反而突破了传统侵权理论的桎梏,强化了侵权法的补偿功能,促进了无过错责任原则的发展,扩大了侵权责任的范围和领域,有助于近代侵权法向现代侵权法过渡,对侵权行为法具有积极影响.  相似文献   
32.
论风险预防原则的适用要件——以国际环境法为背景   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
作为国际环境法的基本原则之一,风险预防原则已经在许多国际环境协定中得到了直接的规定或间接的反映。在适用风险预防原则的过程中,需要遵循以下三个方面的要件:1.适用风险预防原则的前提条件,包括风险阀值和科学不确定性的确定;2.依据风险预防原则进行决策的过程中需遵循的要件,包括成本效益分析以及根据不同的风险水平采取适当的预防措施;3.执行风险预防措施的过程中需遵循的要件,包括对措施的后期审查及相关科学信息的收集。  相似文献   
33.
由于环境保护关系到人类整体和国际社会共同利益,在外资征收的立法与实践中环境保护和外资保护应予一体化考虑,但现状却反映出外资私益优先于环境公益的倾向。从建立国际经济新秩序的角度看,为使发展中国家不致因环保因素付出不必要的代价,环境征收不应具有补偿性。而且,不补偿环境征收合法性根植于污染者付费原则、预防原则、治安权例外以及国际环境法义务优先原则。  相似文献   
34.
PPMs标准研究     
环境污染很大程度上是在生产过程中产生的,PPMs标准就是对产品的加工和生产过程所制定的特定的环境标准。PPMs标准作为国际环境保护的一个重要措施,同时又成为影响WTO规则下自由贸易的一种壁垒方式,日益成为国际社会关注的重点。本文在对WTO法规内外PPMs标准研究的基础上,提出了对PPMs标准需客观地看待的观点,并对我国应当采取的法律对策提出粗浅建议。  相似文献   
35.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) proposal for taxation of digital economy constitutes one of the most ambitious projects in the field of taxation and may lead to the most significant reform to international tax rules in the 20th century. Based on a two-pillar approach, Pillar Two of the proposal suggests the adoption of Global Anti-Base Erosion (GloBE) provisions that are aimed at introducing a worldwide minimum tax. In this article, a critical analysis is based that the GloBE proposal suggests that it represents a shift in the OECD policy. As compared to base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS), it jeopardizes the tax sovereignty of jurisdictions and it raises fundamental challenges of implementation, both in terms of amendments to domestic law and conflicts with tax treaties.  相似文献   
36.
This essay – Part II – reconceptualizes the past five centuries as the Capitalocene, the ‘age of capital’. The essay advances two interconnected arguments. First, the exploitation of labor-power depends on a more expansive process: the appropriation of unpaid work/energy delivered by ‘women, nature, and colonies’ (Mies). Second, accumulation by appropriation turns on the capacity of state–capital–science complexes to make nature legible. If the substance of abstract social labor is time, the substance of abstract social nature is space. While managerial procedures within commodity production aim to maximize productivity per quantum of labor-time, the geo-managerial capacities of states and empires identify and seek to maximize unpaid work/energy per ‘unit’ of abstract nature. Historically, successive state–capital–science complexes co-produce Cheap Natures that are located, or reproduce themselves, largely outside the cash nexus. Geo-managerialism’s preliminary forms emerged rapidly during the rise of capitalism. Its chief historical expressions comprise those processes through which capitalists and state-machineries map, identify, quantify and otherwise make natures legible to capital. A radical politics of sustainability must recognize – and seek to mobilize through – a tripartite division of work under capitalism: labor-power, unpaid human work and the work of nature as a whole.  相似文献   
37.
Disasters challenge the equilibrium of regulatory regimes and make policy shifts more likely. Using an institutional theory of cultural biases and the concept of cultural “surprise”, this article analyses the direction and intensity of media argumentation in respect of policy shifts. Instead of assuming a demand for greater State intervention after dramatic focusing events, as suggested by other theoretical frames, cultural theory opens a variety of options that range from embracing regulatory responses from different cultural biases to the radicalization of current, but failing, instruments. The analysis of media reaction to the environmental disasters caused by the oil spills of Exxon Valdez (United States), Erika (France) and Prestige (Spain) shows that the demand for more hierarchy does not monopolize the overall argumentation. The change demanded often implies a radicalization of a particular prevalent view where the associated institutional setting is failing its supporters.  相似文献   
38.
As the emergence of nongovernmental conservation efforts generates conflict among various stakeholders, the causal story that each party articulates regarding conservation and the causes of land degradation reflects their unique interests. This study uses existing literature to evaluate causal stories surrounding a contemporary conservation effort: Montana's American Prairie Reserve. Through qualitative review of web‐based documents and newspaper articles, it generates a preliminary account of key stakeholders' causal stories. The case study suggests that parties who might be disadvantaged by ascribing responsibility for environmental harms in an adversarial fashion may instead elect to articulate causal stories that are more neutral than existing approaches might forecast. The study concludes by suggesting that further development of causal story literature may enable it to better address contemporary conservation efforts.  相似文献   
39.
Why would countries invest resources to protect the global atmosphere, a global common‐pool resource? After all, this is an open‐access resource with no restrictions on appropriating its benefits. Furthermore, why would they do so under the aegis of a weak global regime (the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC) that has virtually no provisions for sanctioning noncompliance and when the largest contributor to the problem is not participating in the regime? This article examines why a number of countries have implemented the UNFCCC. I hypothesize that countries implement UNFCCC because they corner domestic environmental benefits, namely reduction in local pollution. In my empirical analysis of 127 countries, employing an ordinal logistic regression model, I find that local air pollution is associated with higher levels of implementation of the UNFCCC. Thus, I conclude that the incentives to implement a relatively weak global regime can be found in the domestic political economy.  相似文献   
40.
环境不正义的决策过程与结果,使社会弱势聚居之小区更容易受到环境污染的伤害,而环境污染为小区所带来的各种影响,又使得小区居民更加弱势。环境正义运动的主要诉求之一,就是要使民众有意识地参与环境政策过程。本文以此为基础,观察美国北卡罗来纳州华伦郡多氯联苯掩埋场抗议事件的发生,与其後二十几年的发展。本文从四个方面观察华伦郡这段抗议与矫正环境不正义的历史,分别是诉求观点、专业能力、政治结盟以及政策回应。研究结果得出四点结论:首先,能够引起广泛共鸣的环境正义诉求,是帮助小区内外联盟的重要基石;其次,小区居民专业知识与态度的培养,有助于提升居民与政府部门沟通的层次与地位;再次,弱势居民政治力的提升与政治结盟,是提高居民受害事实与基本权益能见度的重要管道;最後,政府的正面响应提升了民泉与政府共同合作解决小区污染问题的可能性。  相似文献   
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