Hearing the voice of Donbas: art and literature as forms of cultural protest during war

This paper analyzes literary, visual, and street art works of writers and artists from Eastern Ukraine produced during 2014. Two Donetsk artists, Serhii Zakharov and Anzhela Dzherikh, and two Luhansk writers, Serhii Zhadan and Olena Stepova, play with the myth of the proletarian Donbas, on the one hand, and debunk the popular perception of Donbas people as being in consent with the politics of the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, on the other. They explore familiar tropes and images of Donbas and use guerrilla tactics (shock effects, provocativeness, and deception) to initiate public reaction to the war. Their works are united by their search for a shared communication space and direct access to the audience on occupied territories. These artists challenge the accepted perception of Donbas as a free but uncivilized space and participate in the creation of a new Donbas text. The interaction between politics, art, and activism makes their voices and vision powerful and infectious and can help achieve civic consolidation in Donbas.     

德国反洗钱刑事立法述评与启示

为了遏制和打击洗钱活动，德国通过在刑法典中新增洗钱罪和多次的修订，将洗钱行为犯罪化，逐步建立起反洗钱和恐怖融资的刑事法律体系，并在一定程度上具有自己的独特之处。在国际社会共同打击洗钱活动和我国面临严峻洗钱形势的背景下，有必要介绍德国反洗钱刑事立法的成功经验，这对于完善我国的反洗钱法律制度具有借鉴意义。     

“一国两制”的内涵及其发展

"一国两制"是我党本着实事求是的基本路线,制定的实现祖国统一的基本方针,它具有四个基本内涵。"一国两制"成功解决了香港和澳门问题后,在解决台湾问题上,随着形势的变化而产生的五个方面的发展,这些发展体现了实事求是、与时俱进的马克思主义理论品质。     

论未成年人轻罪犯罪记录封存制度——我国新《刑事诉讼法》第275条之理解与适用

未成年人轻罪犯罪记录封存制度的适用对象除被判处五年有期徒刑以下刑罚的未成年犯外,未成年人相对不起诉和附条件不起诉记录封存也应参照适用,而且,从长远来看,应适用于所有未成年人;在法律效力上应严格限定但书中"国家规定"的范围,并协调与其他相关法律的关系;适用主体除公安机关、检察院、法院和未成年犯管教所外,还包括知晓未成年人犯罪记录的有关机关、单位以及当事人、辩护人、诉讼代理人和其他知晓其犯罪记录的个人。为充分发挥该制度的重要价值,应当将其"升级"为未成年人犯罪记录消灭制度。     

MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM,SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA

This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism.     

Effective but inefficient: understanding the costs of counterterrorism

This article analyses state counterterrorism (CT) policy on two dimensions: its effectiveness and its efficiency. It points out that CT is likely to be effective but inefficient. The material weakness of terrorist groups in relation to their state opponents, and different organisational dilemmas, increases the probability of an effective CT policy. However, states frequently overreact to terrorist attacks, which are valued in normative instead of strategic terms. Hence, they spend more resources on CT than justified by the threat posed by the terrorist groups. The article concludes that CT should be framed as an allocation of scarce resources that could be used in other important contexts.     

边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略实施模式研究 基于协同治理的视角

乡村振兴战略政策的落实,对边疆民族地区全面建成小康社会至关重要。文章选取边疆民族地区耿马自治县及M村中关于乡村振兴战略实施的政策文本内容为分析对象,运用R软件进行关键词提取、绘制聚类图谱,采用Nvivo软件进行编码、词频统计和词云制作。结果显示,边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略政策实施的主题包括:新农村建设、“三农”工作、农村生态环境保护、农村社会发展等热点问题。在此基础之上,文章总结出边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略政策实施模式的基本架构。最后,从协同治理理论的视角,提出以政策协同、项目协同、服务协同为分析框架,以乡村社会体制吸纳为着力点,实现生态共治的现代化乡村治理模式。     

Our wildest imagination: violence,narrative, and sympathetic identification

ABSTRACT

At this polarizing moment in American politics identifying with the experiences of others feels especially difficult, but it is vital for sharing a world in common. Scholars in a variety of disciplines have argued that narratives, and especially literary ones, can help us cultivate this capacity by soliciting sympathetic identification with particular characters. In doing so, narratives can help us to be more ethically and political responsive to other human beings. This is a limited view of the potential for narratives to solicit sympathetic identification, and it prevents us from identifying and grappling with our resistances to identifying with others. In this article I propose a more expansive view – inspired by Elizabeth Costello, a character in JM Coetzee’s novel of the same name – that there are no bounds to our capacities for sympathetic identification. Through critical readings of Waiting for the Barbarians and Animal Farm I explore the possibility that we might identify with people who cause others to suffer, and perhaps even with animals too. Both sorts of identification engender fierce resistance. Identifying with those who cause suffering demands that we grapple with our own capacities for cruelty and violence. Identifying with animals demands that we confront what is animal in ourselves – the perilous instincts that, unmoderated, incline us to aggression. Acknowledging and working through – without rejecting or disavowing – our capacities for cruelty and our animal instincts is necessary for the practices of sympathetic identification upon which sharing a world depends.     

‘Without Education You Can Never Become President’: Teenage Pregnancy and Pseudo-empowerment in Post-Ebola Sierra Leone

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the emergence of ‘teenage pregnancy’ as a new policy focus in post-Ebola Sierra Leone and explores how Sierra Leoneans interpret the problem of ‘teenage pregnancy’. I argue that the new policy focus is not indicative of changing or new problems. Rather, ‘teenage pregnancy’ has created opportunities for donors and the Government of Sierra Leone to continue cooperation in gender politics. At the same time, Sierra Leoneans are clearly concerned about ‘teenage pregnancy’, and many agree with sensitization campaigns that responsibilize young women and girls while downplaying structural factors that render them vulnerable to arrangements involving transactional sex.     

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’

ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.