论我国少数民族社会生产力的跨越式发展

生产力是少数民族社会发展的最终决定力量;科学技术是第一生产力,是推动少数民族社会全面进步的伟大杠杆。我国少数民族社会必须通过科技建设与技术创新、民族教育的建设与创新、管理创新、民族文化的创新和发展,实现生产力的跨越式发展,促进少数民族经济社会的全面发展。     

关于民族民间传统文化保护立法的几个问题——以广西壮族自治区为例

本文以广西壮族自治区为例,阐述了民族民间文化保护立法的重要性和意义、立法的指导思想、立法的原则和主要内容。     

岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变迁与民族迁移

人类社会发展的历史进程中必然伴随不同规模的人口迁移现象。对这一现象的产生一般从政治、经济、战争、饥荒等角度加以解释,而环境因素的作用一直被大多数研究者所忽视。本文以岷江上游多民族分布地区为例,分别论述岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变化和民族迁移的历史,并由此探讨环境变迁与民族迁移的耦合关系。研究表明,环境变迁对岷江上游地区民族迁入的影响主要包括两个方面:一方面是向干旱寒冷气候的变化迫使当地民族向气候适宜地区迁移,另一方面是由于气候的突变引起的洪涝灾害以及资源缺乏等使农业生产力降低,从而促使社会动乱并导致民族迁移。     

The European lavender vote: Sexuality,ideology and vote choice in Western Europe

In many European democracies, political punditry has highlighted the attempts of political parties on the left to court the ‘lavender vote’ of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. This article examines the presence of a gay vote in Western Europe with a focus on assessing the role of sexuality in shaping individuals’ political preferences and voting behaviour. Empirically, the effect of sexuality on both ideological identification as well as party vote choice is analysed. Using a cumulative dataset of eight rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2017, this article demonstrates that partnered lesbians and gay men are more likely than comparable heterosexuals to identify with the left, support leftist policy objectives and vote for left-of-centre political parties. The analysis represents the first empirical cross-national European study of the voting behaviour of homosexual individuals and sheds new light on the importance of sexuality as a predictor of political ideology and voting behaviour within the Western European context.     

Racial attitudes & political cross-pressures in nationalized elections: The case of the Republican coalition in the Trump era

While scholars have found that Trump was able to capitalize on the racial attitudes of white voters, it is less clear how these racial attitudes influenced vote-choice across partisan and ideological cleavages in the electorate. It is also unclear whether racial attitudes affected voting at the congressional level or electoral outcomes at the aggregate level. Using a novel measure of racial attitudes at the subnational level and survey data, we make three clear findings: (1) Trump and Republican congressional candidates benefited from conservative racial attitudes both at the aggregate level and among white voters, (2) this electoral benefit for Republicans persisted during the 2018 midterm elections, and (3) the effect of attitudes on vote-choice did not significantly vary across partisan and ideological cleavages in the white electorate. Our findings suggest that, even during the era of highly nationalized and partisan elections, racial attitudes are still a mechanism by which Republicans can win significant electoral support among Democrats and relatively liberal voters in the white electorate. These findings have implications for the growing salience of race in the Republican electoral coalition.     

How do coalition signals shape voting behavior? Revealing the mediating role of coalition expectations

Existing empirical research suggests that there are two mechanisms through which pre-electoral coalition signals shape voting behavior. According to these, coalition signals both shift the perceived ideological positions of parties and prime coalition considerations at the cost of party considerations. The work at hand is the first to test another possibility of how coalition signals affect voting. This coalition expectation mechanism claims that coalition signals affect voting decisions by changing voters' expectations about which coalitions are likely to form after the election. Moreover, this paper provides the first integrative overview of all three mechanisms that link coalition signals and individual voting behavior. Results from a survey experiment conducted during Sweden's 2018 general election suggest that the coalition expectation mechanism can indeed be at work. By showing how parties' pre-electoral coalition behavior enter a voter's decision calculus, the paper provides important insights for the literature on strategic voting theories in proportional systems.     

Lessons from International Multi-Option Referendum Experiences

Referendums are regularly criticised for reducing complex policy decisions to two maximally opposed options. This reduces opportunities for voter expression and can polarise debates. Alternative referendum designs which present more than two ballot options can offer innovative opportunities, but also raise new challenges. We can benefit by learning from previous experiences with multi-option referendum voting. Discussions of such experiences are rare and have often focussed on a limited number of cases. This article provides an overview of over 100 multi-option referendum experiences around the world. It discusses the topics on which they were held and the ballot options that were offered. It then analyses the variety in ballot design in terms of questions posed and voting methods applied. Drawing on the experiences of multi-option referendums, the article concludes with lessons that can be learned in relation to initiating and designing these referendums.     

The Komi of the Kola Peninsula within ethnographic descriptions and state policies

For more than 100 years, ethnographic accounts have highlighted the non-nativeness of the Komi diaspora to the Kola Peninsula, contrasting it with the indigenous Sami population. Their legal status there has been a vexed issue unresolved by Tsarist administrators, Soviet ethnic policies, present-day ideas of multiethnic civic nation, and global indigenous activism. In the everyday life, however, there are no apparent differences between the two ethnic groups and their traditional lifestyles in the rural area of Murmansk region. Juxtaposing historical ethnographic accounts on the Izhma Komi with my fieldwork experiences among the Komi on the Kola Peninsula, I show how ethnographers uphold dominant ideologies and promote different state policies. The ambiguous ethnic and indigenous categorizations from their accounts reverberate in popular stereotypes, political mobilizations from below, and state policies from above. In this way, they make an interesting case for the practical problems of generalization and essentialism.     

跨文化视野下台湾原住民的族群认知与“族称”

台湾原住民的“族称”演变,是两千年来以“汉番（原汉）”关系为主轴的跨文化互动与认知的反映。由于台湾原住民缺乏本民族自身的文献历史,族群历史的被动记忆保留在异文化的文本中,从汉唐宋明时期“化外”接触中的“夷”、“番”,清代“理番教化”中的“生（野）番”与“熟（化）番”,日据时代“皇民化蕃政”下的“生蕃”与“高砂族”九族,光复以来“山地行政”下的“山胞”十族,从笼统、概括的“统称”到各族群的识别与相应“族称”,都是它文化视野下的认知符号。最近一段时期以来,“原住民运动”过程中“正名”的“原住民”十四族,则潜伏着来自原住民族群以外的“台独”政治用力。     

白族文化的包容性及其现实意义

包容性是白族文化最主要的特征之一。包容性几乎表现在白族文化的方方面面,但突出地表现在白族族源的多元性、白族文化源流的多源性、白族宗教信仰的多元性、南诏大理国与唐宋的关系、白族的民族观及婚俗观和丧葬观等方面;白族文化包容性的主要成因是受中原文化和白族生息的地理环境的影响;充分挖掘和利用白族文化的包容性有利于促进边疆民族地区的和谐社会建设。