Russian nationalists in the Komi Republic: a case study of the Frontier of the North

The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN’s grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the “new” nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.     

Comparing deep-end confinement in England & Wales and Norway

Extreme forms of custody represent the boundary points of state power. The configuration of the most restrictive corners of prison systems, and what goes on within them, is highly instructive in exposing the objectives, limits, and implications of state coercion at its most severe. Based on data collected in England & Wales and Norway, this article has two main aims. The first is to explore the degree to which “deep-end” confinement differs between jurisdictions with different penal philosophies. The second is to understand how the most extreme form of confinement in each jurisdiction differs from the more typical carceral experiences within each system and its overall penal ethos. Empirically, then, the article seeks to shine light into the deepest dominions of both prison systems, illuminating the experiential texture of extreme forms of imprisonment. It concludes by asking what can be inferred about Nordic exceptionalism, and about deep-end confinement more generally, by analyzing these domains.     

Extreme-right parties in contemporary Estonia

Kasekamp examines extreme-right political parties (ERPs) in Estonia since the restoration of independence in 1991. While nationalist sentiments have been widespread and political discourse has been dominated by the centre right, ERPs have not been successful. It is possible to identify two distinct generations of ERPs in Estonia with two different programmatic emphases: the first of 1992–8 could be labelled ‘anti-Soviet’; the second generation beginning in 1999 focuses on opposition to the European Union (EU) and as such has more in common with the ERPs in Western Europe than the first generation. Following Roger Eatwell’s model for the political breakthrough of ERPs, Kasekamp concludes that conducive conditions do not exist at present for such a breakthrough in Estonia, although opposition to the EU offers notable potential for future mobilization.     

日本出版市场萎缩原因及应对举措

在全球出版业整体萎缩的大背景下,日本出版业自上个世纪末开始遭遇了长达十几年的萧条。日本号称世界出版大国,它的教训与经验值得关注。通过对日本出版业市场萎缩的原因及其应对措施进行认真探析,以期为我国正在发展中的出版市场带来一些警示和启迪。     

当事人主义:“转型论”信条批判分析

“转型论”界定当事人主义的标准与其将大陆法系民事诉讼也归为当事人主义的观点相冲突。其主张实际是准极端当事人主义。它不当援用了“法治三阶段说”,忽略了普通法系民事诉讼中的强职权主义成分,将法官职权介入大致对应于法官不中立。当事人主义不能“独占”其接受的结论,对其他重大问题的处理也不能提供帮助,家事案件的审理应采职权主义,这些都表明当事人主义不具有“顶层”地位。转型论要求对当事人主义的“绝对”服从近似于演绎论,排斥多角度的理性考量和论证。它对于当事人意志的尊重可能会流于形式,且已严重削弱释明制度,并可能对法官的事实认定产生消极影响。     

CasaPound Italia’s cultural imaginary

ABSTRACT

CasaPound Italia (CPI) is an Italian extreme-right movement. It has its headquarters in Rome but the movement has branches in other northern and southern cities. Members of CPI define themselves as ‘Fascists of the Third Millennium’. Bulli’s article focuses on the mix of cultural imaginaries that the organization offers to its members and sympathizers as well as for public consumption. The movement is able to function at different levels of political mobilization—and to recruit members by presenting a targeted set of incentives designed to engage them politically—which include various forms of cultural identification. All these levels are linked by a common idealized subjectivity that brings together classic elements of historic Fascism, including cultural references to the ‘speed of action’ typical of Futurism, with an overcoming of the party-centred post-Fascist Italian political subculture. Bulli’s article emphasizes CPI’s strategic construction of a multifaceted cultural imaginary in which language, communication and codes of conduct play a role comparable to values and ideology.     

公安机关在极端天气类自然灾害临战处置中的职责——美国圣路易斯市应急预案给我们的启示

极端天气类自然灾害会给社会带来重大损失，对极端天气类自然灾害的临战处置是公安机关义不容辞的责任。本文通过对美国圣路易斯市应急预案中“极端天气标准应急管理分系统”的相关分析，结合2008年春节以来公安机关抗击雨雪冰冻灾害的成功经验，明确了公安机关在极端天气类自然灾害临战处置中的两类职责，对提高公安机关应对该类突发事件的能力具有重大促进作用。     

把握社会情绪维护和谐稳定——从近期一些地方社会冲突事件多发看和谐社会的构建

一些地方接连发生多起暴力冲突和极端事件，行业群体性事件也呈多发态势，直接威胁社会安全和稳定。究其原因，暴露出部分地方社会情绪趋向消极，成为威胁社会安全和稳定的“火药桶”。及时、正确地疏导和引导社会情绪，缓解社会矛盾，对进一步维持社会稳定具有十分重要的意义。     

个人极端暴力事件产生的心理原因与预防对策

近一、两年来,我国个人极端暴力事件频发,给社会带来了极大的危害,给国家和人民的生命财产造成了重大损失,引起了社会各界的高度关注。个人极端暴力事件发生的原因是多方面、多层次的,其中个体的心理原因起决定性作用;个人极端暴力事件的预防是一个系统工程,它需要全社会的合力,齐抓共管,实施社会和心理综合治理。