The Dynamic Process Tracing Environment (DPTE) as a Tool for Studying Political Communication

The dynamic process tracing environment (DPTE) is a unique and flexible tool permitting researchers to study information search and decision making in various manners. This article describes the rationale behind the system, some history of how it has revolutionized the study of voter decision making in elections, and some of the principles of design within the system.     

中国语境下公权与私权的博弈--兼论我国征地与拆迁制度的完善

当前我国征地与拆迁过程中出现的问题应归因于公权力的不规范行使,基于其制度和观念根源,我国应该在对公权进行规制的基础上,建立以公权为主导的公权与私权平衡的体系.     

宪法变通与地方试验

"良性违宪"的出现,是因为宪法和中央法律过多限制了地方自主权。宪法是一部保障而非限制权利的基本法。宪法的根本目的不是通过制度性规定剥夺地方尝试的自由,更不是限制人民的基本自由,而是为所有人保障一个权利底线。在这个底线之上,地方政府可以自由探索对满足当地需要而言最有效的途径。要从根本上解决"良性违宪"所带来的困惑,就必须转变有关中央与地方关系的思维,从制度上保障地方试验的顺利进行。     

浅谈垂直定向反射照相技术在实验教学中的应用

利用定向反射镜进行垂直定向反射照相,是近年来出现的照相新技术。它使用方便,对潜在手印显现效果好,在实验教学中,学生在使用定向反射镜过程中取得一定效果,但应用中也碰到一些问题值得探讨。     

The genesis of a scientific community: the British Universities Industrial Relations Association and the field of industrial relations in Britain,c.1950–1983

Scholarship dealing with labour-related topics has been prevalent in Britain from the early twentieth century, but a scientific field dedicated exclusively to the study of industrial relations did not emerge until the second half of the century. Although the socio-economic context of the post-war years provided a fertile ground for the field's emergence, the reason for its eventual development was a socialization process that took place in the early 1950s with the establishment of an informal group of industrial relations scholars. The group would grow to become the British Universities Industrial Relations Association and its activities would help the emerging community develop a ‘disciplinary identity’ and form the institutions that would subsequently define the field of Industrial Relations.     

大江健三郎小说语言实验探微

语言是小说的基本组成因素,是作家个性的体现。大江在文体和叙事上的不懈探索,表现了他对传统小说文体和言说方式所带来的知识危机与意识形态驯化的焦虑。大江的文体和叙事的实验是对文坛上占统治地位的话语权力秩序的挑战。大江对小说语言孜孜不倦的探索,体现了他主张文学多元化、个性化的艺术追求。     

针药结合治疗前部缺血性视神经病变的临床研究

目的 观察针刺联合理气活血明目中药治疗前部缺血性视神经病变（anterior ischemic optic neuropathy,AION）的临床疗效。方法 将AION患者64例（64只眼）随机分为两组,对照组32例（32只眼）仅用常规疗法治疗,治疗组32例（32只眼）在常规治疗基础上联用理气活血明目方及针刺治疗,15 d为1个疗程,共治疗2个疗程。观察两组治疗前后视力、视野的改变及临床疗效。结果 治疗组临床疗效明显优于对照组(P<0.01);治疗后两组视力均显著提高（P<0.01）,视野缺损范围均显著缩小(P<0.01),但治疗组的视力升高值及视野缺损范围缩小值显著大于对照组（P<0.01）。结论 针刺联合理气活血明目中药能有效改善AION患者的视力、视野,具有良好的临床疗效。     

合作伙伴关系模式在我国公共服务领域中的适用性分析

我国政府部门基于资源和权力方面的优势,在相当长的时期内,必然会在公共服务领域中发挥重要的作用。然而,一个好的和负责任的政府,应通过不断调整自身的定位来积极影响社会进程,同时有意识地营造良好的政策环境,有计划地培育非营利组织的自治能力,从而有选择地逐步退出直接控制的社会领域,实现在政府有效治理基础上的治理模式转型。     

The importance of personal vote intentions for the responsiveness of legislators: A field experiment

Individual legislators can be important agents of political representation. However, this is contingent upon their responsiveness to constituency requests. To study this topic, an increasing number of studies use field experiments in which the researcher sends a standardized email to legislators on behalf of a constituent. In this paper, we report the results of an original field experiment of this genre with the members of the German Bundestag. Supplementing previous research, we explore whether constituency requests in which voters mention a personal vote intention (rather than a partisan vote intention) increase legislators’ responsiveness, and how this treatment relates to electoral system's incentives. We find that legislators treated with a personal vote intention were more likely to respond (67 per cent) and respond faster than those treated with a partisan vote intention (59 per cent). However, we also show that the treatment effect is moderated by electoral system incentives: it is larger for nominally-elected legislators than for those elected via a party list. Our results suggest that electoral system's incentives matter for legislators’ responsiveness only when constituents explicitly signals an intention to cast a personal vote.     

Mobilising support when the stakes are high: Mass emails affect constituent-to-legislator lobbying

Mass emails are frequently used by advocacy groups to mobilise supporters to lobby legislators. But how effective are they at inducing constituent-to-legislator lobbying when the stakes are high? We test the efficacy of a large-scale email campaign conducted by the UK's main anti-Brexit organisation. In 2019, the group prominently displayed a ‘Write to your MP’ tool on their website and assigned 119,362 supporters represented by legislators with incongruent views to one of four email messages encouraging them to write to their MP or a control condition (no email). Messages varied across two factors: whether the MP's incongruent position was highlighted, and if urgency was emphasised. We find that 3.4 per cent of treatment subjects contacted their representative, compared to 0.1 per cent of those in the control, representing an additional 3,344 emails sent to MPs. We show that there was no substitution away from the most frequently used online legislator contact platform in the United Kingdom. While, on average, position and urgency cues had no marginal effects above the standard email, the most engaged supporters were more mobilised when informed that their MP held incongruent views. This study shows that advocacy groups can use low-cost communication techniques to mobilise supporters to lobby representatives when the stakes are high.