犯罪压力下的警力资源不足之探讨

中国警力资源不足是客观存在的,造成中国警力资源不足最为主要的原因是犯罪压力太大,而不是警民比例"太低",警民比例"低"是受认识和计算方法的影响所至,仅用警民人数比例生搬硬套来说明警力不足既不全面也不科学,存在很多理论上的误区和漏洞.除犯罪压力影响外,经费保障不足和资源结构配置不够合理造成警力资源失衡、警察体制机制问题、警察工作倦怠以及警察大量的身心健康问题也加剧了警力资源的不足.针对警力资源不足,可采取的相应对策有进一步深化改革,推进"三基"工程建设,将工作落到实处,注重在科技强警上下功夫,给警力松绑,增加经费的投入,从制度上提供良好的后勤保障环境,从优待警,留住警察人才,以及关心警察、注重解决警察的身心健康问题等.     

域外警察介入家庭暴力法律制度架构之探析

20世纪70年代以来,家庭暴力问题日益受到国际社会关注。为了应对这一跨越国界、人群的全球性问题,西方许多国家全面展开防治家庭暴力的法律改革,其中警察介入家庭暴力已经形成了比较完善的法律规制体系。无论在基础理论领域,还是在刑事立法和司法政策方面均有重大的发展与突破。警察有权主动介入家庭暴力,对家庭暴力的受害者采取特殊保护措施,对施暴者采取限制措施。警察对家庭暴力实施者的逮捕权也不断扩大。     

我国外贸依存度的结构性特征

外贸依存度高已经成为我国发展对外经济面临的一个突出问题。总体上看,我国外贸依存特征为外贸依存地区、国家集中,外贸依存东高西低,一般贸易外贸依存度上升、但加工贸易依存度依然偏高,附加值低的劳动密集型产品的外贸依存度高,对资源的进口依赖度高,对高技术装备和核心技术的进口依赖高等。研究我国外贸依存度的这些结构性特征,要有针对性地采取应对措施。     

延安时期中国共产党发展对内对外关系的经验与启示

延安时期,中国共产党在毛泽东的领导下,在处理各种复杂的关系中表现出高超的政治智慧和斗争艺术,使党与人民之间保持了鱼水交融的关系,党与国民党、党与世界反法西斯阵营各个国家之间的关系基本上呈现出良性互动态势;延安经验表明,人民的拥护与支持,是我党发展与国民党和其他国家关系的基础,而妥善处理与国民党和其他国家之间的关系,又能促进根据地的民主建设。我党在上述方面积累的成功经验,对今天解决内政外交问题具有借鉴和参考价值。     

Narendra Modi’s Pakistan Policy: A Case of Old Wine in Old Bottles

This article examines India’s policy towards Pakistan since Narendra Modi became prime minister. At certain times, India has engaged in talks with Pakistan on various bilateral issues. At other times, it has adopted a hardline approach and canceled talks, stating that Pakistan had not demonstrated any sincerity in wanting to end cross-border terrorism against India. Modi’s critics have described his ‘on–off’ talks policy on Pakistan as flawed, confused and visionless. Is Modi’s Pakistan policy riddled with inconsistencies? Why has he not displayed the same pragmatism that is evident in his other diplomatic engagements when it comes to Pakistan? What explains his hardline approach? This paper argues that reconciliation with Pakistan remains a challenge due to persistent issues that adversely affect ties, namely the Pakistan army’s influence over the country’s foreign policy and meager bilateral economic ties. Expectations of a breakthrough in relations under the circumstances appear bleak. From the perspective of the Modi administration, adopting a cautious approach and maintaining a tough line, i.e. calibrating talks with action on cross-border terrorism by Islamabad, appears to be the more pragmatic option in the short term.     

China in Pacific Regional Politics

Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.     

伪满洲国初期的对外贸易

20世纪初至1930年,中国东北地区的对外贸易规模不断扩大。伪满洲国成立后,伪满政府倚仗日本关东军,强行侵占了我国东北各地海关。中国东北地区长期出超的局面在1933年反转,并且入超额出现扩大趋势。伪满政权极力促进所谓的"日满一体化",使得东北地区的对外贸易更加向对日贸易集中。随着列强的经济利益争夺日趋白热化,伪满洲国逐渐步入统制贸易之途。     

外资并购国有企业的法律思考

外资并购我国国有企业是当前企业并购中的热点。随着我国入世步伐的加快 ,妥善处理这一问题显得日益重要。本文通过分析外资并购国有企业存在的问题 ,提出了完善外资并购国有企业法律制度的设想。     

论对外国刑事判决的承认与执行

本文着重探讨了承认与执行外国刑事判决的条件、程序和中国开展承认与执行外国法院刑事判决的必要性。     

试论外国院外集团活动及其对美国对外政策的影响

美国作为全球唯一的超级大国 ,其对外政策关系到世界各国和国外利益集团的切身利益。各种代表国家和集团利益的外国院外集团为维护各自国家、民族和集团的利益 ,通过委托美国游说公司和具有特殊背景的人作为代理 ,在美国设立官方、民间机构 ,争取美国内具有共同利益的特殊集团的支持等方式进行院外活动 ,影响美国对外政策。因此 ,外国院外集团成为影响美国对外政策的重要因素 ,对美国对外政策的调整变化起着至关重要的作用